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INFANT BEHAVIOR 

ITS GENESIS AND GROWTH 



INFANT BEHAVIOR 

ITS GENESIS AND GROWTH 



BY 

ARNOLD GESELL 

PH.D., M.D., SC.D. 

Director of the Clinic of Child Development and Professor of 
Child Hygiene in Yale University 

AND 

HELEN THOMPSON, PnJX 

Research Associate in Biometry 
The Yale Clinic of Child Development 



ASSISTED BY 
CATHERINE STRUNK AMATRUDA, M.D. 

Research Pediatrist 
The Yale Clinic of Child Development 



FIRST EDITION 



McGRAW-HILL BOOK COMPANY, INC. 

NEW YOBK AND LONDON 



COPYRIGHT, 1934, BY 
ARNOLD GESELL 

PRINTED IN .THE UNITED STATES OP AMEEICA 

All rights reserved. This book, or 

parts thereof, may not be reproduced 

in any form without permission of 

the publishers. 



THE MAPLE PRESS COMPANY, YORK, PA, 






' PREFACE 

Investigations as well as infants grow. The present volume has 
its roots in earlier studies which are briefly outlined in the opening 
chapter. We must at once acknowledge our indebtedness to earlier 
associates who helped to set in operation general principles and 
methods of procedures; namely, Mrs. Margaret Cobb Rogers, 
Miss Elizbeth Evans Lord, Miss Ruth Wendell Washburn, and 
Dr. Marian Cabot Putnam. Through its diagnostic and advisory 
service, the clinic has fortunately been able to build up relations 
of confidence and friendliness in the community. This has resulted 
in excellent cooperation from the parents of New Haven who, 
through themselves and through their infants, have made a gener- 
ous contribution to our scientific undertaking. 

We have benefited in numerous ways from the cooperation of 
other departments of the School of Medicine; and of social agencies, 
including the Visiting Nurse Association and the Bureau of Vital 
Statistics. In the home visits and interviews we had the assistance 
of Miss Glenna Bullis and of several graduate students. We wisti 
also to make grateful acknowledgment to Miss E. Elizabeth Allis 
for assistance in the preparation of manuscript. 

This publication is based upon periodic developmental exami- 
nations of normative infants throughout the first year of life, 
The stenographic protocols of the observations entailed a large 
amount of painstaking analysis which was carried through by a 
group of assistants especially trained and supervised for the task: 
Miss Helena MaHay, Miss Helen Richardson, Miss Charlotte 
Peck, Miss Georgina Johnson, and Mrs. Harriet Lange Rheingold. 
Mrs. Esther Upjohn Shipley, over a period of three years, devel- 
oped a detailed familiarity with the data and rendered valuable 
service in connection with the analysis of the normative cinema 
records. These records were made with the active cooperation 
and helpful advice of Professor Henry Marc Halverson, Research 
Associate in Experimental Psychology, 

Extensive cinema records, both normative and naturalistic, 
have been codified in An Atlas of Infant Behavior which portrays 
in action photographs the forms and early growth of human 
behavior patterns. The present volume bears an organic relation to 



vf PREFACE 



the systematic delineations of the Atlas. A forthcoming volume by 
the present authors, entitled Norms of Infant Development, will set 
forth in monographic detail the basic data of the normative survey, 
the specific procedures used in the developmental examinations, 
and biometric conclusions and applications. 

The present volume deals mainly with findings and genetic 
interpretations. The results of the normative survey are reported 
in six chapters and sixty sections. Chapter Three, which constitutes 
the core of the book, summarizes the behavior characteristics 
displayed in twenty-five different situations, instituted at fifteen 
age levels from four through fifty-six weeks. The newborn infant 
was not included in our systematic observations. The period 
immediately after birth involves medical, nutritional, and environ- 
mental complications and so many highly variable factors that it 
requires special techniques for adequate study. We have not, 
however, been unmindful of the importance of the neonatal period 
and (in Chapter Four) have indicated its genetic relations to the 
fetal and later postnatal period. 

For perspective and orientation, the reader may find it profit- 
able to read Chapter Four in advance of Chapter Three. Chapter 
Four deals in an inclusive manner with The Ontogenetic Patterning 
of Infant Behavior and provides a general overview of the develop- 
mental trends and of the entire range of age levels. 

We hope that the reader will not be dismayed by the minutiae 
of the tables and the multiplicity of the behavior items. This book 
deals primarily with the detailed structuralization of early behavior 
growth. The researches were not directly concerned with the 
concept of general ability or of intelligence, but with the nature 
of developmental sequences. Mental growth is a process of progres- 
sive behavior patterning, which may be investigated from the 
standpoint of developmental morphology. The action systems of 
embryo, fetus, and infant undergo orderly changes of pattern, 
which are so consistent that we may be certain that these changes 
are governed by mechanisms of form regulation comparable with 
those which are being defined by the science of embryology. Must 
we not, therefore, approach the phenomena of infant behavior 
with the same minute interest in structured form which the dis- 
ciplines of embryology and anatomy require? 

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, 
September, 1934. 



CONTENTS 

Tables and illustrations are alphabetically listed in the Index under TABLES OF 

BEHAVIOR ITEMS (page 342) and under ILLUSTRATIONS (page 337). PAGB 

PREFACE v 

CHAPTER ONE 

A DEVELOPMENTAL STUDY OF THE FIRST YEAR OF LIFE 
A Summary Account of Methods and Objectives 

1. Development of the Normative Project 3 

2. The Project in Outline 5 

3. Underlying Genetic Concepts 8 

4. Behavior Categories and Patterns 11 

5. The Data . 15 

6. Cinematography and the Analysis of Behavior Pattern 20 

CHAPTER Two 

THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 
Arrangements and Procedures for Conducting the Investigation 

7. The Behavior Situations . ' 25 

8. Stimulus Factors and Stimulus Values . 32 

9. General Observation Procedures 36 

CHAPTER THREE 
NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF INFANT BEHAVIOR 

Its Growth as Revealed by the Normative Survey 

10. Postural Behavior in General '........*..'. 44 

11. Supine Behavior (4 weeks-40 weeks) 49 

12. Prone Behavior (4 weeks-56 weeks) 61 

13. Stair Climbing Behavior (40 weeks-56 weeks) 69 

14. Sitting Behavior (4 weeks-52 weeks) . . . . 72 

15. Standing and Walking Behavior (40 weeks-60 weeks) 85 

16. Dangling Ring Behavior (4 weeks-28 weeks) . 97 

17. Rattle Behavior (4 weeks-28 weeks) . . 106 

18. Table Top Behavior (12 weeks-56 weeks) .119 

19. Consecutive Cubes Behavior (12 weeks-56 weeks) . 122 

20. Massed Cubes Behavior (16 weeks~60 weeks) . . . . 135 

21. Tower Building Behavior (44 weeks-60 weeks) 141 

22. Cup Behavior (12 weeks-36 weeks) . . . . . . . , ... . . 144 

23. Spoon Behavior (16 weeks-36 weeks) .... .................. 149 

24. Cup and Spoon Behavior (32 weeks-56 weeks) ............... 154 

25. Cup and Cubes Behavior (32 weeks-56 weeks) ............... 165 

26. Pellet Behavior (12 weeks~56 weeks) 172 

27. Pellet and Bottle Behavior (32 weeks-56 weeks) . .. , . . , . ... ... . 184 

28. Bell Behavior (16 weeks-56 weeks) ...... ................ .191 

29. Ring and String Behavior (28 weeks-56 weeks) . , . . . , . . . 197 

vii 



viii CONTENTS 



PAGE 

30. Ring, String, and Bell Behavior (32 weeks-56 weeks) 205 

31. Paper and Crayon Behavior (36 weeks-56 weeks) : 209 

32. Performance Box Behavior (40 weeks-56 weeks) . 216 

33. Foraiboard Behavior (20 weeks-56 weeks) 224 

34. Ball Play Behavior (40 weeks-56 weeks) 236 

35. Mirror Behavior (40 weeks-56 weeks) 239 

36. Language Behavior (4 weeks-56 weeks) 243 

37. Social and Domestic Behavior (4 weeks-56 weeks) 257 

CHAPTER FOUR 
THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING OF BEHAVIOR 

The Early Growth Cycle and the Correlation of Behavior Forms 

38. The Early Life Cycle . . . 268 

39. The Growth of Posture and Locomotion 269 

40. Prehension and Manipulation 275 

41. Perceptual and Adaptive Behavior 279 

42. Social and Language Behavior 286 

CHAPTER FIVE 

MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 
The Role of Maturation in the Patterning of Behavior 

43. Concepts of Development and Environment 293 

44. The Growth Cycle and Genes 295 

45. The Experimental Analysis of Development ..,..'.. . 296 

46. The Structural Basis of Behavior Pattern 298 

47. The Role of Maturation 300 

48. Physical Constitution 301 

49. The Ontogenetic Sequence. 302 

50. Developmental Correspondence in Twins 303 

51. Inherited Behavior Characteristics 307 

52. Sensorimotor Functions 308 

53. Intellectual and Affective Life 311 

54. Maturation and Patterning . . , 315 

55. The Relationship of Maturation and Learning 317 

56. Maturation and Growth Regulation 320 

57. A Bibliography 323 

CHAPTER Six 

THE DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS OF INFANT BEHAVIOR 
Possibilities and Limitations 

58. Principles of Developmental Diagnosis 326 

59. The Limitations of Developmental Diagnosis . . . . . , . . . 330 

^0. The Medical Aspects of Developmental Diagnosis. . 332 

I!NDEX .335 



INFANT BEHAVIOR 

Its Genesis and Growth 



CHAPTER ONE 

A DEVELOPMENTAL STUDY OF THE FIRST YEAR 

OF LIFE 

A Summary Account of Methods and Objectives 
1. DEVELOPMENT OF THE NORMATIVE PROJECT 

r I iHE present volume and the associated volume Norms of 
JL Infant Development report the results of a normative survey 
of the first year of life. This survey was inaugurated in 1927, after a 
preliminary developmental study of five normal infants. The latter 
study served to refine the research procedures for the more com- 
prehensive normative survey. Both studies were made under the 
auspices of The Yale Clinic of Child Development. 

The clinic, established in 1911, has long been concerned with 
the preschool period of childhood. Our early work was conducted in 
close association with the pediatric and well-baby clinics of the 
New Haven Dispensary. This led to an interest in problems of 
developmental diagnosis. Infants who came to the conferences for 
physical examinations were also brought to our clinic and were 
examined from time to time by psychological methods. Binet and 
Kuhlman had recently indicated the applicability of intelligence 
age concepts to early age levels. This was a point of departure for 
our exploratory studies of the total behavior of the growing infant. 
These studies were made from the standpoint of developmental 
pediatrics and were based on the premise that the developmental 
status of the infant should be diagnosed and supervised in terms of 
behavior as well as of bodily conditions. Intelligence was presumed 
to be but a partial aspect of a total complex of behavior growth. 
For such developmental diagnosis more comprehensive norms of 
behavior development were essential. 

Accordingly in 1919 a normative charting of the behavior 
development of normal children was undertaken for the period 
from birth to six years of age. This preliminary normative investi- 
gation took account of ten age levels as follows: 0, 4, 6,. 9,. 12,.. and 
18 months; 2,.S, 4, and 5 years. This calibration of age levels gave 
recognition to the rapid rate of early infant development. Some 



4 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 

50 children were investigated at each age. The survey attempted to 
include the 



- 

on intelligence. Therefore the observations and examination^ took 
account of the following major fields of behavior maturity^ motor 
developmentyj&cluding posture, locomotion, prehension, and draw- 
ing; langua^development, including vocabulary, word comprehen- 
sion, conversation, and reproduction; adaptive behavior, including- 
visual-motor functions, imitation, recovery of objects, compre- 
hension, discriminative^ performance, apperception, completion, 
number concept; per%nal-social behavior, including reaction to 
persons, personal habits, initiative and independence, play 
responses, acquired information. 

In securing the normative data in these fields, simple proced- 
ures and devices were used. The child was seated in a high chair, 
or on his mother's lap, confronting an adjustable table. On this 
table objects were placed to elicit his attentional regard, preten- 
sion, manipulation, and exploitiveness, and his responsiveness to 
gesture, demonstration, and command. An effort was made to 
keep the examination situation simple and natural. For this reason 
such homely objects as the cup, spoon, rattle, ball, ring, and string 
became part of the testing paraphernalia. A dozen red, one-inch, 
wooden cubes proved to be very serviceable and they were used as 
standard test devices throughout the whole range of age levels. 
To define better the nebulous characteristics of the 9 months old 
infant, we added a tiny pellet (7 mm. in diameter) to provoke 
his increasing refinement of prehension. These simple objects have 
shown themselves technically suitable for clinical and also for 
experimental purposes. 

The normative results of the survey were codified into a 
developmental schedule embracing about 150 different normative 
items. Although many of the results were of preliminary character, 
they impressed us forcibly with the wealth and variety of behavior 
patterns of the human infant. The genetic and clinical significance 
of the first year of life became increasingly apparent in the applica- 
tion of the preliminary norms of development. 

When requisite grants were made through the generosity of the 
Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial in 196, we projected an 
investigation concentrated on the period of infancy. Beginning in 
1926,. as- already indicated, the clinic staff made an intensive, 
coordinated study of five normal infants. Behavior inventories 
and examinations and physical measurements were made at 



THE PROJECT IN OUTLINE 



lunar-month intervals throughout the first year of life. The 16 mm. 
cinema was systematically used for the purpose of recording 
the development and for refining its analysis. It soon became 
apparent that detailed biogenetic study of individual infants 
required more numerous and precise norms of behavior growth. 

2. THE PROJECT IN OUTLINE 

Therefore in 1927 a systematic normative program was pro- 
jected embracing 15 age levels from 4 weeks through 56 weeks. 
Although custom and our own earlier studies favored the use of 
solar-month intervals, it was decided to conduct all the normative 
observations on a lunar-month basis. The advantages of the lunar 
month may be summarized as follows: (a) The lunar month is of 
uniform length (solar months vary as much as 11 per cent); (&) 
the lunar-month interval permits reappointments on a fixed day 
of the week; (c) it makes for greater comparability of data from 
diverse workers and in diverse fields; (d) it makes for greater 
statistical accuracy; (e) it is in harmony with the scientific move- 
ment for calendar revision; (/) it is in closer correspondence with 
biological and physiological cycles. The adoption of the lunar 
month reflects our respect for the age factors which are so impor- 
tant during the most rapid periods of mental growth. 

The normative significance of the data was protected by a 
scrupulous regard for the chronological age of the subjects. With 
very rare and minor exceptions each child was examined within 
two days of the exact age by the lunar-month calendar. The age 
factor was further controlled by excluding all infants who had a 
definite history of prematurity or postmaturity of birth, or who 
suffered from any severe disease or nutritional handicap. 

To strengthen further the normative validity and the develop- 
mental comparability of the data, the infants were carefully 
selected to constitute a homogeneous group from the standpoint 
of socio-economic status and educational background of parents 
and race. The parents of the infants were all born in the United 
States and their grandparents were of northern European extrac- 
tion. Only those infants were included whose parents were of middle 
status with respect to occupation, schooling, avocational interests, 
home equipment and household furnishing. The fathers 5 occupa- 
tions gave ratings from 4.98 to 11.74 based on the Barr Scale of 
Occupational Intelligence. Details concerning the selection of 
subjects are elaborated in the accompanying normative volume, 



STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 



The general character of home conditions is briefly indicated by 
the following percentages based on cases reporting on the several 
items: 79 per cent rented an apartment; 11 per cent rented a house; 
10 per cent owned a house. The average number of rooms was 
4.69; the average number of people living at home 4.02. In 4 per 
cent of the households the laundry was sent out; in 5 per cent, no 
outside domestic help was employed. Fifty-eight per cent read one 
daily newspaper; 19 per cent had a piano; 40 per cent had a vic- 
trola; 6 per cent had a radio. Ninety-nine per cent attended 
church; 43 per cent were Protestant; 49 per cent were Catholic. 
Thirty-three per cent owned an automobile; 91 per cent attended 
the movie theater; 43 per cent had vacations. 

All told, 107 different infants were studied; 58 girls and 49 
boys. Many of these were seen repeatedly; 7 were examined at 
lunar-age intervals from 4 through 56 weeks. The total number of 
examinations was 524. An extended cinema record was made of 
one-third of these examinations; for 8 per cent a partial cinema 
record was made. 

The records for each case and visit included the following: 
(a) Data in regard to family conditions and parentage, secured 
through a home investigation; (6) information in regard to the 
infant's behavior routine, supplied by parental interview; (c) birth 
and health history; (d) physical measurements; (e) stenographic 
report of the developmental examination (and supplementary 
cinema records) ; (/) a clocked record of the events and observations 
which occurred while the child was at the clinic. The protocols will 
be described in more detail in Sect. 5. 

Each normative inventory at the clinic at each of the 15 age 
levels required a full half day. The basic systematic observations 
were secured through the normative or developmental examina- 
tion, which will be described in detail in following chapters. 
The devices and materials of this examination were similar to 
those which had been used in the earlier preschool survey, including 
the red cubes, the bell, rattle, ring and string, pellet, etc. The 
setting of the examination, however, was more carefully controlled 
and the procedures for administering the test materials were defined 
in greater detail. No effort was made to alter the character of the 
examination by employing more technical devices. It was felt that 
more useful and significant results would come through a maximum 
utilization of simple materials congenial to the environment and 
experience of the infant. 



THE PROJECT IN OUTLINE 



In the interests of standardization and experimental control 
the infant was examined in a "clinical crib/* This crib simulates a 
household crib in its general outlines but is equipped with an 
adjustable platform, panels, and side rails. It carries at its head 
end a container for the psychological test materials. Details and 
specifications for this apparatus are given elsewhere. 

For the postural behavior situations the infant was placed on 
the platform of the crib, which was covered with a blotter, softened 
at the early ages by an underlying pad. At 12 weeks and at later 
ages, whenever the infant required support in the sitting position, 
he was placed in a small adjustable chair of the morris type. 
With the youngest infants a canvas belt which encircled the child's 
trunk at the diaphragm was used. This supportive band was 
secured at the back of the chair. For older infants a single canvas 
strap athwart the diaphragm was used. When the infant had 
acquired independent sitting control he sat on the blotter on the plat- 
form confronting a table top which rested on the side rails of the 
crib. Upon this table top the various stimulus objects were placed 
in accordance with specified procedures. 

It will be evident from this introductory summary that the 
normative survey was designed to preserve a high degree of experi- 
mental control. Many informalities were set aside to insure certain 
basic uniformities of procedure. The arrangements at the clinic 
and the general observation policy, however, placed a premium 
upon an optimal emotional adjustment and a maximum of natural 
behavior on the part of the infant. 

Questions of statistical reliability and other biometric consider- 
ations will be considered more technically in a monographic 
volume. It is sufficient to point out here that the value and the 
validity of the findings must rest primarily on the accuracy and 
detail of the original observations and on the homogeneous, 
median character of the group of infants investigated. The norma- 
tive survey was not a study of an unselected or random population. 
The survey was not concerned in a restricted way with the psy- 
chometry of intelligence. Wejgere interested in the oatabliohmcni-Qf 
norms n^jBHtriimerit.al nidn for the annlynin of thr prm^Hflrn of 
behayio^^^ &&d for the characterization -of dtrvelupjueiilal 
status. The norms are representative of a biologically and socio- 
logically median group. They express general developmental 
trends and sequences. Derived as they were, the norms are specif - 
icative formulations which may be used to define the character- 



8 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 3 

istics and maturity values (in normative terms) of observed 
behavior. The genetic import of the norms is further indicated in 
the following discussion of the underlying concepts which guided 
the normative investigation. 

s UNDERLYING GENETIC CONCEPTS 

The basic objective of the normative investigation was a study 
of the products and the processes of mental growth. We shall use 
the terms growth and development interchangeably. This is for 
convenience and also because it seems impossible to maintain a 
consistent distinction which would identify growth with augmenta- 
tion and development with differentiation. From the standpoint of 
biology one can scarcely conceive of pure increase without some 
concomitant change of conformation and configuration. Mental 
growth, at least, is not hyperplasia. Even though the term growth 
is strongly associated with the idea of dimensional increase, it is 
desirable to make this excellent monosyllable do service in the 
discussion of problems of genetic psychology. 

From a genetic standpoint the "mind" as well as the body 
arrows. Ignoring metaphysical issues, we may in a monistic sense 
regard growth as a single function of the living organism. (Changes 
in somatic size, structure, and shape constitute the phenomena of 
ohysical growth/._Comparable changes in the organization and 
reactions of the organism as a behavioral entity constitute the 
phenomena of mental growth. Fundamentally these phenomena 
w^inseparableT)In any event it is impossible from the standpoint 
:>f genetic science to regard the psyche as a manifestation so unique 
that it is independent of the laws of gro^li and of thft RflTnfi 
developmental morphology which jnolds^ tb^sM 

Growth is a process of progressive differentiation and system- 
atization which organizes the individual throughout a changing 
life cycle. Thus stated, the concept of growth applies equally to 
mental and to physical forms. Mental growth, like physical growth, 
is a morphogenetic process which produces progressive pattern. 
The psychological individual, like the physical individual, is pat- 
terned. He is the sum and the concatenation of all his behavior 
forms. His capacities, his modes and trends of behavior, and the 
ontogenetic sequence of his reaction systems all are patterned. 
His psychological make-up has a consistent organic structure 
constituted of action patterns. In infancy at least he must be con- 
strued from the standpoint of developmental morphology. 



3 UNDERLYING GENETIC CONCEPTS 9 

Wlieii does this ontogenetic patterning of the human Individual 
begin? It is always difficult to establish an absolute zero, and the 
paucity of our knowledge makes the effort premature. It may be 
suggested, however, that even from a behavioral point of view, 
this zero must lie near the time of conception. When the embryo 
is but 4 mm. long and 3 weeks old, the heart begins to beat. When 
the embryo is less than months old the neuromuscular system is 
already sufficiently advanced to make rhythmic movements of 
trunk and extremities possible. At months, the embryo has been 
observed to respond reflexly to a light touch of the skin, the 
" reflex " irradiating o\r*r t-h^ wTinlp body and inv^lvi^g Tnp-.*.c\ and 
trunks-Mental growth we are obliged to believe is then already 
under way, for although no one can assess the psychological 
essence of such primitive behavior, it is impossible to hold that it Is 
in a biological sense nonmental. 

Irradiated mass reaction is charact.ffist.if; of..-onr1y cjt f p.gsjryf 
maturity, But as early as the third month the fetus displays some 
capacity for circumscribed response. In embryos of this age mouth 
movements by lowering and lifting the chin occur with stimulation 
of the lips and tongue. During the fourth and fifth months com- 
plicated postural mechanisms are in the making. Stimulating the 
toe evokes a diagonal or trot reflex. Thoracic movements respira- 
tory in character occur as early as the fifth month. By the sixth 
month the neuromuscular equipment has advanced so far that a 
child prematurely born in this month has at least a slender chance 
of survival. It is as though nature hastened to bring the most vital 
functions to relative completion against this very contingency. 
The viability of the prematurely born infant strengthensJJie thesis 
that the same morphogenetic processes which fashion tb.e_fetus 
project themselves into the postnatal sectors of the life cycle. 
In many significant ways the premature neonate continues to 
grow as though he were still a fetus. 

Normally human gestation covers a period of 40 weeks, but 
birth with survival has been known to occur as early as 4 weeks 
and also as late as 48 weeks. This makes a range of variation 
amounting in extreme to 6 lunar months. Variation within a range 
of 3 lunar months is common. These facts show the genetic impor- 
tance of the problem, of age with all its interesting relativities. 

Time in the Newtonian sense flows at a uniform rate. It is 
simply duration. But time in a biological sense becomes a relative 
rather than a uniform reality when it is considered in terms of the 



10 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 3 

morpliogenetlc events which occur within a life cycle. Time ceases 
to be simply duration; it is age. An age is a position in a life cycle, 
which cycle has a beginning and an end. A stage Is a degree of 
progression in such a cycle. 

Chronological age is a conventional or statutory value In terms 
of duration computed from birth. This value may be projected 
against the life cycle, and one may think of age as a moment in a 
life cycle, the life cycle being a continuum of ages or stages. It is 
evident, however, that an age and a stage are not identical and that 
the relationship between age and stage must vary among individ- 
uals as it varies between species. Thus arises the whole problem 
of age and maturity. 

The relationship between statutory age and biological stage 
raises interesting questions concerning the philosophy and sig- 
nificance of developmental norms. By definition, statutory age 
can be measured only in clock intervals, that is, in astronomer 
royal units. A biological stage, however, can be expressed or 
" measured" only in terms of the products of growth. These two 
sets of units are in two different worlds of discourse and in a sense 
the twain can never meet. But one may always solve a paradox 
by not recognizing it or by inventing a reconciliatory fiction. 
Therefore we superimpose the calendar cycle of ages on the organic 
cycle of stages and designate the stages in terms of ages. Soon we 
find ourselves talking about the behavior values of age and the age 
values of behavior. Thus the twain meet after all. 

This is permissible because we do not have at our disposal 
an absolute mensurational unit for computing growth. Perhaps 
it is also necessary because growth is patterning and cannot be 
reduced to purely energic, or linear, or dimensional concepts. 
Patterns can be appraised only with the aid of patterns. A develop- 
mental norm therefore is a pattern, or indicator of pattern, specified 
with sufficient concreteness to serve as a standard of comparison 
in the analysis and estimate of a given pattern of growth. 

In a specification sense one might derive a useful set of norms 
from a careful study of one individual infant. If the infant were 
happily selected, a single case might be as good as a hundred. 
Indeed, it would be much better than a hundred poorly selected 
cases, for by premise "happily selected" means normatively 
representative or typical. In complicated genetic phenomena there 
is only a very limited safety in mere numbers. As already indicated, 
we have aimed to increase the validity of our norms by deriving 



4 BEHAVIOR CATEGORIES 11 

them from a homogeneously selected group and by formulating the 
norms comparatively on the basis of their incidence in the indi- 
vidual and their collective trend in a homogeneous group of 
individuals. 

This argument should not be construed as a rejection of more 
elaborate statistical approaches. We simply wish to clarify our 
suggestion that, for the analysis of developmental conditions, the 
specificative value of a norm comes foremost. We must have some 
specific standard of reference by which we can identify what we 
observe in the complex output of the infant's behavior. Having 
identified, we can appraise with due caution in terms of normative 
trends, ascertained by the study of a normative group. Trends are 
probabilities of varied magnitude. Some of them are obscure and 
unreliable; others are certainties. As we approach the certainties, 
analytic diagnosis (in terms of specificative norms) also ap- 
proaches prediction. 

The application of concrete norms in the identification of 
observed behavior is a process of matching. Among an array of 
norms we look for the best fit. Other things being equal, the more 
numerous and graduated the norms, the better the chance for a 
good fit. If the reader should contend that this is mere approxima- 
tion, and that science demands measurement, it might be answered 
that all measurement is a form of comparison. Only the perfect 
comparison is a perfect measurement. One may measure aspects of 
prehension in the units of physical science, that is, on an absolute 
scale in units of time and space; but the patterns of prehension, 
temporal and spatial, can as yet be " measured ?> only in the 
comparative terms of normatively ascertained patterns. 

It would, therefore, be dogmatic to push too far distinctions 
between descriptive and quantitative methods of approach. At 
the present stage of our knowledge when the data are complex, 
descriptive formulas do justice to the complexity. Numerical or 
quantitative devices inadequately supported, lead to oversimplifi- 
cation. General deductions must rest on detailed findings. We 
need detailed normative criteria which will serve to classify and 
order the specific data under observation. This office, it is hoped, 
the norms which are offered in the present volume may in a measure 
fulfill. 

4. BEHAVIOR CATEGORIES AND PATTERNS 

The normative investigation was particularly concerned with 
those visible forms of behavior which could be elicited under the 



12 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 4 

controlled conditions of a developmental examination supple- 
mented by interview. The fields of behavior that were surveyed in 
this manner subdivide into the seven following categories: 

A. Postural Behavior: 

(1) Supine; () prone; (3) sitting; (4) standing and other bodily orienta- 
tions. 

B. Locomotion: 

(1) Rolling; () creeping; (3) walking; (4) climbing and other bodily 
translocations. 

C. Perceptual Behavior: 

(1) Tactile; (2) visual; (3) auditory; (4) anticipatory and selective 

regard. 
33. Prehension: 

(1) Approach; () grasp; (3) release. 

E. Adaptive Behavior: 

(1) Manipulation; (2) self-initiated combining and exploit! ve behavior; 
(3) induced behavior; (4) autonomous learning. 

F. Language Behavior: 

(1) Subphonetic; () vocalizations; (3) vocal signs; (4) words; 
(5) gesture. 

G. Social Behavior: 

(1) Reactions to persons; (2) responsiveness to gesture and speech; 
(3) socialized learning and habituations. 

The present voiume will treat each of these basic categories, 
with especial emphasis upon the first five. A behavior category is 
here defined as a classification group which comprises objectively 
similar and genetically related behavior items. A behavior item is a 
specific phase or distinguishable feature of behavior. The foregoing 
categories were established for their convenience in analyzing the 
growth and status of infant behavior. It is not assumed that the 
categories are mutually exclusive; both dynamically and develop- 
mentally the contrary is assumed. The relationship between 
locomotion and posture is very close; likewise the relations between 
posture and prehension. We would even hold with Coghill that in 
all behavior there is concealed posture. Indeed, the concept of 
posture can be applied in the interpretation of higher forms of 
adaptive behavior. 

The expression behavior item deserves further discussion. A 
pattern of behavior is a configured f esponse which can be described 
specifically in terms of a given situation. A behavior item is an 
aspect or a component of a pattern Ascertained by direct observa- 
tion or by subsequent analysis. Being a product of analysis, it is 



BEHAVIOR CATEGORIES 



assumed that the item Is not an entity in nature. It Is an aspect of a 
pattern. To a considerable extent this same limitation applies 
to the concept of pattern. A pattern, as pattern, is not a circum- 
scribed entity ^in nature. It always has a context, and this context if 
analyzed can in turn be reduced to constituent patterns. But since 
contexts also have contexts, It follows that perhaps the only 
pattern which has full integral status is the organismic pattern, 
which is the individual himself. Pattern categories therefore can 
be arranged In a gradient from minute differentiated areas of 
behavior like the reflex wink to complex coordinations like pre- 
hension and to the yet more inclusive patterns which correspond 
to the entire personality or large sectors of it. 

There are also patterns of genetic sequence. Behavior as it 
matures .follows an orderly progression, and this pT(>gT^gin^ wL^-n 
expressed in lines of genetic segiienc^can be envisaged as pattern. 
It is desirable to use the term pattern in this flexible manner even 
though the resultant patterns become too multitudinous for com- 
plete inventory. In a pervasive organismic manner all the patterns 
of behavior are consolidated in the individuality of the infant 
himself, and the distinctive concatenation of his behavioral pre- 
dispositions is an expression of superpattern. In this sense every 
individual has a unique biogenetic pattern. 

The connotations of the terms function, behavior pattern, 
behavior item will vary with context. For theoretical safety we 
shall not assume the existence of a function as a well-defined entity 
but shall stress the objective reality of the pattern forms and 
pattern phases or items. Although patterns are variable with 
respect to their specific details and with respect to their duration in 
the life career of the infant, we regard them as having a substantive 
existence which makes them subject to descriptive inventory. 

A behavior situation is a complex combination of stimulus 
factors which evoke patterns of response. The external aspects 
of the behavior situation and the behavior responses themselves 
constitute the sole data for actual observation. Functions are at 
best inferences drawn from such observations. Generally con- 
ceived, gra^R^js^a^JjirictioTi ; specifically, jtjs always^ a pattern. 
The pattern may be described in terms of the mechanics of the 
act of seizure, including a description of the posturing and participa- 
tion of all of the digits. But the pattern may also be described in 
terms of antecedents and sequelae, including the stimulus, the 
approach upon the object, and manipulation of it. Similarly, 



14 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 4 

sitting is a function only in the sense that grasp is one; the chair 
or the platform is the situation. Sitting is related to standing, as 
manual closure is related to digital prehension. 

A modality of behavior is a trend in configuration and in sequence 
of response which can be described in general terms and is predi- 
cated on the similarity of patterns of behavior in similar situations. 
A modality is in the nature of a paradigm or norm abstracted from 
numerous observations or records of behavior. 

When so generalized a modality tends to become synonymous 
with the term function. This usage is permissible if the function is 
regarded as a generalization rather than as specific biological 
entity. In the present analysis of our data we have used the con- 
cept of function for purposes of exposition and discussion but we 
have tried to cleave consistently to the more tenable and secure 
concept of developmental morphology. In biogenetic analysis, the 
validation of functional continuities and correlations will become a 
problem of critical importance. 

Accordingly, manifestations of behavior are set forth in the 
substantive terms of behavior patterns and behavior items. 
Although these patterns are more or less transient and always sub- 
ject to dynamic inflections it is assumed that they have structured 
reality. They are expressions of the attained architecture of the 
organism rather than fortuitous symptoms of formless functions or 
forces. 

As already noted, in order to do justice to the complexity of the 
behavior patterns we used stenographic and cinematographic 
methods of recording. When these records were subjected to 
analysis they yielded, after a process of elimination, a total of over 
a thousand behavior items. For all of these items we have as- 
certained frequency values in terms of their incidence in the norma- 
tive groups studied. Many of the items covered the whole gamut of 
age levels from 4 weeks through 56 weeks; all of them covered two 
or more age levels; and for each of them a trend value is made 
apparent by the tables of percentages. These numerous items 
constitute the basis for the discussion of behavior growth in various 
behavior fields. Some of the items are more interesting, more 
dramatic, and more significant than other items. We have not, 
however, presumed too much on our capacity to interpret, and 
therefore have included in the tables items which occurred with 
comparative mfrequency. It does not follow that such items have 
no normative usefulness in the interpretation of growth conditions. 



THE DATA 15 



Even apparently trivial and inconspicuous behavior items may be 
highly indicative in a genetic sense. 

It should be reemphasized here that the behavior situations 
were not set up with the idea of devising performance tests to 
secure a statistical array of successes and failures on which to 
base a psychometric scale. The situations were designed to evoke 
characteristic behavior with all its natural limitations. It 
was the total tide of behavior rather than eventual success of 
performance which concerned us. We were quite as interested in 
the anticipatory as in the culminating phases of the behavior; and 
almost more interested in approximations than in complete 
adaptations. 

For this reason many of the "test" materials were administered 
to a child whose abilities were far too immature to meet the require- 
ments of the test from the conventional standpoint of successful 
performance. Take for example the formboard, perhaps the most 
sophisticated article in the battery of stimulus objects. The form- 
board was presented to 20 weeks-old children even though they 
can have only the most rudimentary command of its geometry. 
However, even the weeks-old infants gave outward token of 
some perception of spatial factors. We were interested in that 
nascent some., and the task was to chart the cumulative progress 
which finally led to discriminative response to the circular hole. 

From a sheer development point of view, the infant never fails. 
He is at every age interesting, complex, and competent. His 
aggregate behavior is always an index of his developmental status. 
Therefore the primary inventory of behavior at each examination 
was made as inclusive as possible. The normative survey was 
concerned in a genetic sense with the total phenomena of mental 
growth. The normative data were approached from this genetic 
point of view. 

5. THE DATA 

The concepts and general principles just outlined guided the 
analysis and organization of the normative data. It is now in order 
to examine more closely the nature of these data and the methods 
of their treatment, reserving the monographic details for the 
volume on Norms of Infant Development. 

A full set of protocols for each child included the following: 

1 . The Descriptive Home Record. This form supplied the name, 
address, and birth date of the infant; name, date of birth, race, 



16 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 5 

occupation, education, and descriptive remarks for the father, 
mother, maternal grandfather and grandmother, paternal grand- 
father and grandmother, and siblings; ownership or rental of 
apartment or house; the number of rooms, servants, and persons in 
the house; books, magazines, newspapers, piano, victrola, radio; 
membership in clubs; attendance at church, concerts, lectures, 
sports, the theater; ownership of an automobile; summer vacation; 
family physician; general characterization and remarks. 

2. History Interview. This record detailed the birth history of 
the child and nutritional and medical history. 

3. Record of the domestic behavior day covering the daily 
routine of the infant at the time of the examination. This record 
listed in order in hours and minutes the major events of a 24 hour 
day from morning waking, bath, feeding, etc., through the night's 
sleep. 

4. Anthropometric Measurements. The measurements made at 
each examination covered the following items: Height: vertex, 
suprasternal, symphysium; diameters: biacromial, rnesosternal, 
iliocristial; girth: head, chest; weight; teeth; asymmetry; complications; 
and general comments. 

5. A behavior interview record included the conversational 
report of the mother's observations in the fields of motor, language, 
adaptive, and personal-social behavior. 

6. Record of Behavior Day at the Clinic. This record detailed 
the time of various events occurring during the course of the visit 
at the clinic from arrival to departure. 

7. A Stenographic Record of the Normative Examination. This 
verbatim record covered the entire course of each developmental 
examination including marginal time entries, stating the time of 
occurrence and the duration of all of the observed behavior 
situations. 

8. Maturity ratings made on the Yale infant development 
schedule. * These ratings covered about a dozen items at each age 
level in the fields of motor, language, adaptive, and personal- 
social behavior. The ratings were made as an aid to defining and 
clarifying points of observation. 

9. Cinema Records. Extended cinema records were made of 
most of the infants from 8 to 16 weeks of age and of seven special 

* GESELL, A,, Infancy and Hunan Growth, Chap. VI, An infant development recording 
schedule, New York: Macmillan, 19S8, 



5 THE DATA 



17 



photographic cases from 8 through 56 weeks. Partial cinema records 
depicting prehension and manipulation were made of 82 per cent 
of the cases. 

10. A general summary sheet which assembled, with a special 
view to later biogenetic study, observations, estimates, and ratings 
under the following headings : 

Complicating factors: infant; parent; home; clinic. 

Ratings: Gross motor; fine motor; language; adaptive; 
personal-social. 

Comparative estimates: General outlook; energy; emotivity; 
perceptivity; assertiveness; sociability. 

Classification and file items. 

Maximum attainment: Gross motor; fine motor; language; 
adaptive; personal-social. 

Characterization and special impressions. 

Follow-up and predictive items. 

The normative investigation comprised 107 different infants 
and a total of 54 examinations. All of the records were entered 
on letter size (8.5 by 11 inches) paper, most of them typewritten. 
For the entire group of subjects these data consist of some 5,564 
pages. As already indicated, the basic data for the normative 
study were embodied in the stenographic behavior reports. On 
the average these stenographic reports required a little less than 
four single-spaced, typewritten sheets. All told, a typical steno- 
graphic report for 15 age levels for one child, or for a group of 
children spanning these age levels, amounted to approximately 
50 pages or more. The estimated number of pages for the entire 
group of normative infants totals over ,000. These stenographic 
records embrace all of the developmental behavior situations 
systematically observed beginning ordinarily with the supine, 
spontaneous behavior in the younger infants, and concluding with 
the observation of postural and personal-social behavior with the 
older infants. The nature of these records as dictated by the ex- 
aminers is illustrated by random citations as follows : 

Name J . . . P , . . Girl Age: 4 weeks 

Examined: At home (on portable examination table) Date: June 7 

Behavior Situation 

9:15. Supine Spontaneous: Infant was asleep when we arrived. Was taken up by 
Examiner. Wakes up slowly. Placed on the table. She starts to fuss when 
undressed but quiets and lies quietly on the table. She lies with her head 



18 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 5 

turned" toward the left. Sneezes. Raises the left arm vertically in the air. 
Legs extended. Lies with head in midline. Lies in t~n-r, head to left. Right 
hand fisted on the chest. Left extended down to the side. Legs externally 
rotated, flexed. Rolls pelvis to the left. Extends both arms down to side. 
Looks fixedly at left. Starts. Both arms at side. Clasps them together, over 
the chest. Begins to fuss. Assumes t-n-r position. Turns head from left to 
right and back again. Now the right hand is open at the occiput. Makes 
windmill movement with left arm. 

9:19. Dangling Ring: Dangling ring is presented in the midline as she lies in the 
left t-n-r. Ring brought into line of vision. She fixes ring momentarily as it 
is in line of vision. Fixes ring again and again as it is brought into line of 
vision. Follows it with eye turning for about repeatedly toward the 
midline. Does not follow it completely to side. She follows it up to head 
of table extending her head and rolling her eyes. Then follows it down to 
shoulder level. Looks away. 

9:21. Round Rod. 



Name: J ... F ... Girl Age: 4 weeks 

Examined: In photographic dome Date: November 6 

Behavior Situation 

11:31. Pellet. 

11:33. Bell: Is presented. Extends left hand, fans the fingers, pushes the bell 
out of reach. Put into near median position, she sweeps bell in with left hand 
In pronate attitude, brings the handle to the mouth. Mouths the handle 
vocalizing while so doing. She seizes the bell between the thumb and digits 
by clasping it palmarwise at junction of handle and bowl. While chewing the 
bell she inspects the surroundings and then stares forward. She slumps 
decidedly to the right while in the chair. She now withdraws the bell and 
looks at it only momentarily and then brings it back to the mouth, chews it. 
She also brings up the free right hand, thrusts the fingers into the mouth. 
Fingers of the right hand are flexed and rest on the table. Later they finger 
and flex upon the rim of the bowl. She is now holding the bell with both 
hands, chewing handle rather vigorously, staring forward. The arms are 
sharply flexed at the elbow. In transferring to the right hand, the bell drops 
to the platform. 

11:36. Ring and String: Looks at the Examiner's hand, then at the string and 
then at the ring. Straightens the body, lifts the left hand and strains toward 
the ring. The regard shifts from the ring to the string. There is no persistent 
approach upon the ring and string. Presented in midline. Looks again at 
ring, then at string, extends left hand, looks to Examiner, looks at ring. 
Fusses audibly. Left hand touches string but she does not pursue the con- 
tact. Looks at ring and string and now while looking toward the right her 
hands rest on the string and she flexes without regard and momentarily 
prehends the string. 

11:41. Formboard. 



THE DATA 19 



Name: J . . . F . . . Girl Age: 48 weeks 

Examined: In photographic dome Date: April 24 

Behavior Situation 

10:51. Pellet and Bottle. 

10:54. Bell: With both hands she approaches the bell placing hands pronate on 
table and secures bell in left hand, turns bell up, immediately fingers clapper 
first with left and then with right. Holding in right hand by bowl, waves it. 
Attention goes back to clapper, pokes with her thumb. Turns bell over, 
holds by handle in left hand, waves it. Bell does not ring. Then with right 
index finger flexes the finger so that she pushes the clapper about. Trans- 
fers beU to right hand holding it inverted, waves it, rings it, listens. Waves 
it, rings it, listens. Transfers to left hand and again displays the same per- 
formance, The Examiner demonstrates the ringing of the bell. She picks up 
the bell by the handle with right hand, immediately transfers to left hold- 
ing by bowl, waves it not ringing it. Takes by handle with right hand, holds 
and pokes at clapper. Second demonstration. Again approaches with right 
hand, transfers to left, waves it, transfers back to right, waves it. During 
third demonstration she looks to Examiner, smiles. Immediately approaches 
bell with right hand, transfers to left, holds bell on side, pokes clapper, 
transfers to right, pokes at clapper, back to left, drags on table, 
During the interval Examiner places hand on table and J. places the bell on 
Examiner's hand. 

10:58. Ring and String: Looks toward ring, glances momentarily at string, pre- 
hends string twice pulling the ring a short distance each time. Picks up ring, 
waves it. Attention goes to string. Fingers it with right hand, then trans- 
fers ring from hand to hand, bringing it in contact with the table top. Carries 
to platform at right, releases there. Brings it back to table top, releases 
there. Vocalizes. Reaches toward string, starts to prehend that, is unsuc- 
cessful. Ring and string are removed. 

10:59. Ring, String, and Bell. 

In terms of individual age levels, as already indicated, the num- 
ber of protocols included in the study totals 54. When all of these 
protocols were in hand a systematic analysis of the data was under- 
taken with the help of several research assistants. The original 
narrative records were read and reread repeatedly in order to 
establish familiarity with the prevailing _ consistencies in the 
behavior characteristics reported. After considerable preliminary 
exploration and trial and error, the total behavior episode was 
reduced to a list of separate items of behavior. Only those items 
were listed which had definite status in the dictated report. Fre- 
quency values expressed in percentage of the cases observed were 
ascertained for all of the items included in this basic ledger listing. 
This list was then subjected to further scrutiny and all items of a 
doubtful or ambiguous character were eliminated. After this 
winnowing, the most useful and reliable items remained. These 



20 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 6 

Items are reproduced in the normative tables printed elsewhere 
in this volume and in elaborated form in the monographic volume. 
All counted, the items which appear in these tables total 1,024. 
For example, for the supine spontaneous situation there are 69 
items; for the dangling ring, 49 items; for the bell, 78 items; for 
the ring and string, 37 items. 

The nature of these items is illustrated by a few samples from 
the bell situation, samples which correspond in part to the speci- 
men dictated record which has just been placed before the reader. 

Percentage Percentage 

Frequency Frequency 

Item at 4 Weeks at 48 Weeks 

Regards bell 100 100 

Regards consistently 77 100 

Approaches with one hand. 6 93 

Grasps promptly 69 97 

Grasps with right hand only 45 59 

Holds with both hands 35 7 

Pokes clapper 7 $5 

Pulls clapper 10 

Brings bell to platform 3 4 

Waves or rings bell only after demonstration 10 15 

Waves or rings both before and after demonstration. 73 

Vocalizes 14 g^ 

From the foregoing summary it is apparent that the basic data 
of the normative survey consist of typewritten reports of the 
behavior as dictated by the examiners while the behavior was 
actually in progress. A complete, true organic picture of the reac- 
tions of the infant to any situation can be secured only by a detailed 
narrative report of the entire course of the behavior or by a cinema- 
tographic rendering which virtually reproduces the behavior in its 
original integrity. For the age levels from 4 to 16 weeks, the asso- 
ciated cinema records were extensively used to identify and to 
define the patterns and phases of response. At all ages both 
preliminary and concurrent study of the cinema records served to 
direct observations and to refine subsequent analysis. Because of 
the close association of the cinema records and the normative 
research, a summary statement may now be made concerning the 
relation of cinematography to the analysis of behavior patterns. 
6. CINEMATOGRAPHY AND THE ANALYSIS OF BEHAVIOR PATTERNS 

The wealth and complexity of infant behavior are beyond 
human description. But this behavior by reason of its very mani- 



6 CINEMATOGRAPHY 21 

foldness calls for systematic charting. With the powerful aid of 
cinematography, such charting comes within the range of possi- 
bility, particularly if the cinema records are supplemented by 
other forms of investigation and inventory. 

The cinema registers completely and impartially; it sees every- 
thing with instantaneous vision; and it remembers infallibly. It 
preserves in correlated combination the movements of members 
and of the whole. It registers in their simultaneous totality the 
attitudes of head, trunk, arms, legs, eyes, fingers, and face. It 
crystallizes any given moment of behavior in its full synthesis 
and permits us to study this moment as a frozen section of behavior 
pattern. By multiplying the moments, the cinema reconstitutes 
the entire reaction event and permits us to study a whole episode 
of behavior manifestations. 

But in the service of genetic research the cinema can do still 
more. It can chronicle succeeding days, months, or years and bring 
them into seriation. Thus the cinema makes available for study 
(a) the behavior moment; (6) the behavior episode; and (c) the 
developmental epoch. When the cinema records are subjected to 
minute analysis, they open deep vistas in the detailed mechanics of 
behavior. When the cinema records are viewed in broader perspec- 
tive, they reveal configured trends and sequences in the ontogenetic 
cycle. Growth thus becomes a complicated form of motion which 
may be studied in terms of time and space. 

An analytic interest in the study of motion is not peculiar to 
recent science. The artist has always had a keen perceptiveness for 
significant phases of motion in bodily action and posturing. 
Painter and sculptor try to catch the most salient attitude. The 
engineer or scientist may be interested in the entire sequence of 
attitudes. Gilbreth invented the magster as a device for picturing 
the dynamic elements at the basis of various forms of skill. 

A chronophotograph is a record of a moving object taken for 
the purpose of exhibiting successive phases of motion. In the 
modern cinema seriated chronophotographs are represented by the 
individual photographic frames of the flexible film. In the 16 mm. 
cinema, these frames number 40 per foot; a foot is durationally 
equal to 2.5 seconds. In the 35 mm. film, these individual frames 
number 16 per foot; a foot is durationally equal to 1.0 second. 
Each individual frame of the cinema film registers a discrete 
phase of a behavior event. 



STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 



The films of the Yale Clinic of Child Development have been 
assembled into a photographic research library. The contents of the 
films have been catalogued by library methods and can be consulted 
by chapter and verse. These films have formed the basis for various 
publications listed in the subjoined bibliography, including An 
Atlas of Infant Behavior: A systematic delineation of the forms and 
early growth of human behavior ^patterns, illustrated by 3,200 
action photographs. This Atlas, in conjunction with the present 
volume, can be made to serve as a source book for the minute 
study of the genetic patterning and the mechanisms of infant 
behavior. 

Volume One of the Atlas (Normative Series) may be consulted 
for detailed photographic delineations of the behavior of infants 
in the 4 normative situations which are discussed in Chap. Ill 
of the present volume. Time values and accompanying text 
reconstruct the behavior patterns in dynamic sequence. These 
pictorial delineations provide typical specimens of behavior for 
objective study. 

Volume Two of the Atlas (Naturalistic Series) portrays the 
behavior of normal infants in the situations of domestic life : feed- 
ing, bath, play, sleep, parent-infant relations, and social reactions 
to other children and to adults. 

The normative volume of the Atlas is based entirely on the 
16 mm. cinema records mentioned in Item 9 of the normative 
protocols. The selection of these photographs was a long process 
of sifting, accomplished by means of movieolas and other projec- 
tion devices operated by motor and by hand. The projection desk 
chiefly used in the analysis of the 16 mm. films throws a succession 
of small images on a viewing glass. By turning a crank the images 
may be viewed in full or slowed motion, forward or reverse. By 
arresting the crank, any frame may be studied as a stilled pattern 
phase and the whole record may be subjected to frame-by-frame 
dissection. 

Cinema analysis, therefore, is an objective method of behavior 
research which was made possible only by the invention of the 
flexible film and other modem photographic techniques. Cinema 
analysis is a form of biopsy which requires no removal of body 
tissue from the living subject. Yet it makes possible a study of the 
structuralization of the child's living behavior. It permits us to 
bring this behavior without any deterioration into the laboratory 
for searching dissection. This dissection is equivalent to a micro- 



CINEMATOGRAPHY 



scopic examination of the histology and the function of an organ 
in vitro. Anyone clinically or scientifically interested in the genetic 
problems of infancy may study records of behavior pattern with 




FIG. 1. Cinema analysis. 

the same minute interest in structured form which the disciplines 
of embryology and anatomy demand. 

The following publications deal with photographic research 
methods and with investigations made by means of cinema records 
and related studies. Subject matter which concerns the behavior 



4 STUDY OF FIRST YEAR 6 

situations discussed in Chap. Ill of the present volume is Indicated 
by reference in parentheses to the appropriate section. 

CASTNER, B. M. : The development of fine prehension in infancy, Genetic Psychology Mono- 
graphs, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 105-193, 1932. (Of. Sec. 26, Pellet Behavior.} 

GESELL, A.: The Mental Growth of the Preschool Child, Chap. XII, New York: Macmillan, 
1925. 447 pp. 

: Infancy and Human Growth, Chap. Ill, New York: Macmillan, 1928. 418 pp. 

: The developmental morphology of infant behavior pattern, Proceedings of The 

National Academy of Sciences, vol. 18, no. 2, pp. 139-143, 1932. 
-: An Atlas of Infant Behavior: A systematic delineation of the forms and early growth 



of human behamor patterns, illustrated by 3,200 action photographs, in two volumes. 
Vol. I : Normative Series (in collaboration with Helen Thompson and Catherine Strunk 
Amatruda), pp. 1-524; vol. II: Naturalistic Series (in collaboration with Alice V. 
Keliher, Frances L. Ilg, and Jessie Jervis Carlson); pp. 525-922. New Haven: Yale 
University Press, 1934. 

GESELL, A., and THOMPSON, H.: Learning and growth in identical infant twins. An experi- 
mental study by the method of co-twin control, Genetic Psychology Monographs, vol. 6, 
no. 1, pp. 1-123, 1929. (Cf. Sects. 19, Cube Behamor, and 13, Stair Climbing Behavior.) 

HALVERSON, H. M.: An experimental study of prehension in infants by means of sys- 
tematic cinema records, Genetic Psychology Monographs, vol. 10, nos. 2, 3, pp. 
107-286, 1931. (Of. Sect. 19, Cube Behavior.) 

: A further study of grasping, Journal of Genetic Psychology, vol. 71, pp. 34-64, 1932. 

: The acquisition of skill in infancy, Journal of Genetic Psychology, vol. 73, pp. 3-48, 

1933. (Cf. Sect. 26, Pellet Behamor.) 

McGiNNis, JOHN M.: Eye movements and optic nystagmus in early infancy, Genetic 
Psychology Monographs, vol. 8, no. 4, pp. 321-430, 1930. (Cf. Sect. 16, Visual Regard.) 

RICHARDSON, HELEN M.: The growth of adaptive behavior in infants: An experimental 
study at seven age levels, Genetic Psychology Monographs, vol. 12, nos. 3, 4, pp. 195-360, 
1932. (Cf. Sect. 29, Ring and String Behavior.) 



CHAPTER Two 
THE NORMATIVE. OBSERVATIONS 

Arrangements and Procedures for Conducting the Investigation 

7. THE BEHAVIOR SITUATIONS 

fTIHE preceding chapter has outlined the general plan of the 
JL investigation and the underlying concepts which determined 
the fields of observation and the treatment of the data. It remains 
to characterize in a general way the behavior situations and the 
examination materials. The specific discussions of these situations 
and materials will appear in separate sections of the following 
chapter but, for perspective, the total array of behavior situations 
should have an introductory review. 

Twenty-four major behavior situations were included in the 
normative survey. Roughly classified into three groups these 
situations are listed below approximately in the order in which they 
will be treated in the main sections of the present volume: 

A. Posture and Locomotion (Normative Crib Situations) : 

1. Supine behavior (4 to 40 weeks). 

2. Prone behavior (4 to 56 weeks). 

3. Stair climbing (40 to 56 weeks). 

4. Sitting (4 to 52 weeks) . 

5. Standing and walking (4 to 56 weeks). 

B. Early Perception and Prehension (Supine Situations): 

6. Dangling ring (4 to 28 weeks). 

7. Rattle (4 to 8 weeks). 

C. Perceptual, Prehensory, and Adaptive Behavior (Sitting Situations) : 

8. Table top (12-56 weeks). 

9. Consecutive Cubes (12 to 56 weeks). 

10. Massed Cubes (16 to 56 weeks). 

11. Tower Building (44 to 56 weeks). 

12. Cup (12 to 36 weeks). 

13. Spoon (16 to 36 weeks). 

14. Cup and Spoon (32 to 56 weeks). 

15. Cup and Cubes (32 to 56 weeks). 

16. Pellet (12 to 56 weeks). 

17. Pellet and Bottle (32 to 56 weeks). 

18. Bell (16 to 56 weeks). 

: ' ' ' ' ' . .':' .. . " 5 : ..; : . - '. 



> THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 7 

19. Ring and String (28 to 56 weeks). 

20. Ring, String, and Bell (32 to 56 weeks). 

21. Paper and Crayon (36 to 56 weeks). 

22. Performance box (40 to 56 weeks). 

23. Formboard (20 to 56 weeks). 

24. Ball play (40 to 56 weeks). 

25. Mirror (40 to 56 weeks). 

D. Supplementary Behavior Fields (Data secured by incidental observation 
or parental report) : 

26. Vocalizations (4 to 56 weeks). 

27. Social and domestic behavior (4 to 56 weeks). 

28. Play opportunities (4 to 56 weeks). 

29. Feeding habits (4 to 56 weeks). 

30. Toilet habits (4 to 56 weeks). 




FIG. &. Home examination table. 

For each of the foregoing situations a table of normative be- 
havior items is assembled in Chap. III. Including the supple- 
mentary subdivision D, a total of 1,108 items are listed. 

The physical arrangements for the normative examinations 
were kept essentially similar for all of the age groups. Most of the 
infants four and six weeks old, and a few 8 weeks-old children, 
were examined in their homes on a portable canvas table (20 by 
33 in.). The portability of this table made it possible to establish 
relatively uniform conditions for the observations of the infant who 
was at these ages predominantly in the supine position. 



7 



THE BEHAVIOR SITUATIONS 



At 8 weeks of age and at all the subsequent age levels the infants 
were brought to the clinic for their examination and for the cinema 
record. These examinations were conducted in the photographic 
dome or in a small examining room (approximately 8 by 12 ft.) 
similarly equipped. 

The photographic dome has been described in more detail 
elsewhere.* It is pictured in the accompanying illustration. Al- 




FIG. 3. The photographic dome. 

though the dome was primarily designed for systematic cinema 
recording of behavior, it proved very well adapted for the conduct 
of the normative examinations. The bare and almost unconfigured 
walls of the dome and the marked dispersion o the illumination 
which, filtered through glass and tissue paper screens, served to 
reduce the distractions of the physical surroundings to a minimum, 
The warmth and soft brightness of the interior made the dome 
congenial to the infant when his clothes were removed. All the 
infants were examined in the nude (or with band and diaper) tc 

* GESELL, A., Infancy and Human Growth, New York: Macmillan, 



28 THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 7 

give ample scope for their movements and to make more complete 
the photographic record of their behavior. 

The dome was encased in 16-mesh white painted wire screening 
with one-way vision properties. This screen not only provided 
ample ventilation for the interior but segregated from the infant 
the observers and stenographer stationed in the darkened exterior 
of the dome. In the great majority of instances the mother also 
took her station behind the one-way vision barrier where she was 
completely concealed from the child's view but could intimately 




FIG. 4. Normative observation crib with one- way- vision screen panels. 

watch his behavior. To the mother the infant was visible; to him, 
she was invisible. This one-way vision control served effectively 
to keep the social distractibility of the surroundings to a minimum. 

Similar control was attained in the normative examination 
room, which was also illuminated with a soft; diffused light, 
filtered through tissue paper. The walls were bare and of light 
neutral tint. One wall consisted of a series of one-way- vision screen 
panels behind which the mother and recorder took positions. 

The physical and social arrangements served to direct the 
infant's attention toward the immediate environs of the crib and of 
the table top and to make the observations from child to child and 
from age to age highly comparable. 



THE BEHAVIOR SITUATIONS 




FIG. 5. Normative observation crib with staircase and container bag for test materials. 




FIG. 6. Examination chair, showing removable canvas covering. 



30 



THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 



7 



The clinical crib and its accessories need but brief description 
here. They are depicted in the accompanying illustrations, and 
detailed specifications may be found in the monographic volume. 
The crib was of a modified domestic type equipped with a solid 
platform raised 30 inches from the floor level that is to say, the 
adult's floor level; for the crib platform itself was the infant's 
floor level. On it he lay prone or supine, crept, stood, or sat. If he 
needed mechanical support he was placed in an adjustable chair of 
the morris type with removable (and washable) canvas covering 
and canvas belt. The wooden platform was softened and kept 




> \ 

a&> Vj 

FIG, 7. Developmental test materials. 

sanitary by an absorbent gray blotter and cotton or cellulose pad. 
For the youngest infants up to 12 weeks of age a resilient mattress 
with deep cellulose padding covered with canvas was provided. 

From 24 through 56 weeks of age a large part of the normative 
examination was made with the infant seated in front of a table 
top which rested on the adjustable side panels of the crib. This 
table top became the working surf ace upon which the infant wrought 
his behavioral exploits. The table top was painted a light gray, 
with several orientation lines which served to locate the lanes of 
activity and the standard median position where most of the stimu- 
lus objects were first placed (see Fig. 8). The near median 
position is. located at a point midway between the standard median 
position (s.m.p.) and the near edge of the table top (see Fig. 9). 



7 



THE BEHAVIOR SITUATIONS 




]? ICL g Table top and presentation of single cube. 



32 THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 8 

The standard maneuver by which the examiner placed the 
objects on the table top will be presently described. Prevailingly 
the examiner took an inconspicuous position near the head end of 
the crib, which carried the container bag with the pockets from 
which the examination materials were withdrawn. Before, during, 
and after the presentation of each object, the examiner dictated his 




FIG. 9. Location points of examination table. 

observations in an impersonal, subdued, narrative recital, keeping a 
cordial but not effusive working relationship with the infant. 



8. STIMULUS FACTORS AND STIMULUS VALUES 

It remains to characterize in a general way the stimulus values 
of the normative examination as a whole. And here we enter at 
once upon hazardous ground, for it is easy to lose the solid footing 
of description in a precarious pursuit of interpretation. The very 
term stimulus values implies interpretations which in a scientific 
sense may often be gratuitous and beyond demonstration. 

Great is the gulf between infant and adult. It is impossible for 
us to reconstruct in psychological detail the perceptual and the 
emotional essence of the visible reactions evoked by stimulus 
objects. Stimulus, response, receptivity, reaction, perception, all 



8 STIMULUS FACTORS AND VALUES 33 

are difficult concepts to apply in characterizing any given behavior 
event. Even the classic formula of stimulus-response does not solve 
our problems nor should it prescribe our theories. Receptivity is a 
tenuous abstraction apart from the effector mechanisms and from 
the total reaction of the organism. Receptivity must almost be 
identified with reactivity. Anticipatoriness, which is such an 
important aspect of stimulus "values/ 31 is most fundamentally a 
motor or effector phenomenon. The stimulus value of any object 
proves to be highly contingent upon the total current and acquired 
reaction trends of the particular organism, which here means a 
unique, individual infant. The stimulus values, accordingly, are 
products of adult analysis; they reside not so much in the objects as 
in the make-up and predispositions of the reacting subject. This is 
doubly true when the reacting subject is also a rapidly growing one. 
For this reason it is safer to use the vaguer term stimulus factor 
in preference to the term stimulus value. Having made our reserva- 
tions, we shall use both terms somewhat interchangeably. The 
visible behavior patterns are the objective data which alone can 
be described with full security. Nevertheless, the genetic changes in 
these patterns can be better appreciated if we attempt to relate 
them to the physical and personal properties of the external 
environment in which the behavior forms itself. 

In summary, the major external stimulus factors of the norma- 
tive examination included the following: (a) the clinical crib with 
its impinging platform and accessible side rails and panels; (6) 
the table top with its succession of test objects; (c) the surrounding, 
relatively unconfigured, diffusely illuminated walls of the room; 
(d) the audible dictation of the examiner's report; (e) the variable 
physical presence of the examiner. On occasion the examiner 
came into full view and established brief social contact with the 
infant, but most of the time the examiner was only in marginal 
or partial view. The examinees providing hand with which he 
presented the enticing test object and the examiner's invading 
hand with which he took away the object -these were typically 
the most recurring incidents in the total stimulus situation. 

In appraising the stimulus significance of any object or environ- 
ment, it is always necessary to take full account of the develop- 
mental naivete of the infant. What to the adult is a matter of course 
may be for the infant, quite naturally, a thrilling novelty. The very 
platform on which he lies, the chair on which he sits for the first 
time, the table top which he pounds, have to him values which we 



34 THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 8 

can scarcely envisage, because even on a purely perceptual level 
such experiences are by us taken so completely for granted. They 
have sunk into secondary, automatic levels. 

Likewise with the physical and geometric properties of common 
objects such as those which figure in the normative examination 
materials. Because these objects are far from familiar to the infant, 
we shall make a simple analysis of their stimulus characteristics 
in the following chapter to remind ourselves how these character- 
istics may operate in the reactions of the infant. It has already been 
noted that the objects are simple and homely rather than technical. 
But analysis will show that these unpretentious articles embody 
a very inclusive range of physical, topographic, and geometric 
properties basic properties in the child's material environment. 
Many shapes, sizes, weights, and consistencies are represented 
in the total battery of materials. Sizes range from the tiny pellet 
7 mm. in diameter to the formidable performance box approxi- 
mately 20 by 20 by 40 cm. 

This box is so large from the infant's point of view that it 
frequently tempts him to stand upright when it is placed before 
him on the table top. He seizes the upper edge of the box to pull 
himself to the erect position. From our oversophisticated notion 
of the performance box, we were of the opinion that the three 
holes for rod insertion were its chief attribute as a test object, but 
the infant has called our attention to other stimulus values. In 
fact an adequate account of the stimulus significance of any one 
of the objects among the normative materials could only be con- 
structed through a study of the child's reaction under stated 
conditions and at varying ages. Our very familiarity with the 
simple objects which are used for the developmental examination 
makes it necessary for us deliberately to point out their physical 
construction and their potential perceptual properties. For the 
infant an object may have progressive novelty, that is, a novelty 
which does not weaken but which continues because each lunar 
month in the first year of life bestows increasing capacities of 
response. . 

Textures as well as sizes have a wide range in the examination 
materials. Textures range from the hard unyielding surface of the 
table top to the pliancy of the string and the paper. Auditory 
values are produced by the resounding of the table top to the 
impact of the child's hand, or to the object in his grasp. The rattle, 



8 STIMULUS FACTORS AND VALUES 35 

bell, performance box, paper, cup, and spoon, also resound each 
in its distinctive way to his manipulations and percussions. 

The examination objects were usually presented singly in order 
to circumscribe the area of the behavior response. But the objects 
were also presented in close consecutiveness as in the three cubes, 
or in combination as in the massed cubes, or simultaneously as in 
the side by side presentation of the pellet and bottle. These simple 
variations in numerical and spatial relationships introduce a large 
variety of permutations in the stimulus possibilities of the test 
situation. 

A wide diversity of forms is represented in the linearity of the 
string, the right angularity of the edges of the cubes, the sphericity 
of the ball, the circularity of the ring, etc. The important geo- 
metric relationship of container and contained is embodied in the 
cup and cube situation, in the pellet and bottle, in the block inser- 
tion of the formboard, and in the rod insertion of the performance 
box. Elementary principles of the lever and of tool utilization are 
incorporated in the small hand bell with its pendant clapper, in 
the crayon and paper, and other situations. 

To the naive observer these simple objects take on the guise of 
playthings or toys, and much of the infant's activity may indeed 
be called play activity. But play is the inlands work, and only 
studious analysis of the patterns of his motor response can reveal 
the psychological import of the things which he manipulates in this 
work of his. The infant addresses himself to these simple objects 
seriously. We must take them seriously, too, if we are to learn 
their significance in his developmental psychology. They are not 
"mere" toys. They are touchstones which disclose his perceptual 
and exploitive capacities. Although his responses show similarities 
from age to age, close analysis of his behavior patterns discloses 
subtle adaptations to the distinctive qualities of these objects. 
These distinctive adaptations are a clue to his advancing maturity. 
He is eager and tireless in his exploitations of the objects. Though 
ruses are sometimes necessary to detach him from what he holds 
in hand, he takes versatile satisfaction in the variety of the 
objects. He may play or work with them a full hour without ennui. 
This certifies to the "stimulus values" of the normative observa- 
tion materials. It was not necessary to resort to artificial procedures 
in order to "motivate" the infant and to make the materials 
enticing. They carried their own enticement, which is an extro- 



36 THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 9 

verted way of saying that the infant has an ingrained propensity 
to exploit his physical environment. 

9. GENERAL OBSERVATION PROCEDURES 

As a preface to the account of the individual behavior situations 
-it will be advisable to formulate a broad statement concerning the 
general procedures of the normative observations as a whole. 
As already stated in the previous chapter, the investigation was 
undertaken from an experimental, exploring standpoint. A con- 
sistent effort was made to keep the situations on a systematic, 
standardized basis so that the resultant data might yield to com- 
parative treatment. The individual behavior situations were not 
set up as a series of psychometric tasks. They were instituted to 
release evidences of developmental changes in behavior pattern. 

The behavior situations were reasonably controlled, but they 
were not rigidly confined to a restricted field of reaction. The total 
tide of behavior was brought within the scope of observation. To 
this extent the procedure was naturalistic in method, although 
the observer's attention was necessarily focalized on selected 
features of behavior. And toward this end the examiner supplied a 
running dictation to keep abreast of all the behavior as it occurred. 
For example, if the infant averted his gaze to the surroundings or 
to his feet and hands, it was reported. If the child turned away from 
the test object to explore the rear of the crib or to manipulate the 
side panels, or to erect himself to a standing position, these reac- 
tions were not only tolerated but were fully recognized in the 
dictated report as the natural expressions of the child's true 
behavior equipment. 

This method of reporting the observations overcomes the 
disadvantages of preconceived emphasis. The dictated reports of 
behavior were kept on a plane of neutral impartiality. Although 
certain preconceptions undoubtedly led to false emphasis, this 
method of report protected the potential claims of those data which 
could prove their importance only after exhaustive analysis of 
the records. 

We adopted the attitude that all behavior manifested was 
potentially significant from the standpoint of genetic interpreta- 
tion. Had we delimited the observation situations too strictly by 
experimental definition, or had we relied too much upon psycho- 
metric concepts of success and failure, we would have prejudiced 



9 GENERAL OBSERVATION PROCEDURES 37 

the observations from the very start and would have missed the 
unforeseen developmental data. 

To a very limited extent did the audible dictation prove to be a 
distracting factor, because the infant, having made an adjustment 
of general confidence, readily accepted the examiner's vocalizations 
as a natural part of the total situation. Indeed at all ages the 
examiner's voice tended to operate as a socializing factor which 
gave reassurance and continuity to the whole period of observations. 

The experimental control of the behavior situations was not 
pushed to an artificial extreme which might endanger the emotional 
reactions of the infant. Every effort was made to secure optimal 
emotional conditions in both infant and parent; this was done on 
the assumption that the systematic and experimental value of the 
data would be enhanced by a protection of all factors which made 
for favorable personality adjustment. That we succeeded in real- 
izing this ideal to a marked degree is shown by the excellent and 
almost uniform cooperation received from the parents and by the 
sustained output of creditable performance on the part of the 
infants. 

Vigorous and rebellious crying occurred in a very small propor- 
tion of the infants observed. In some of these cases, interestingly 
enough, the emotional pattern was such that the normative exam- 
inations were nevertheless carried through successfully on a piece- 
meal basis. Such an infant " worked J> satisfactorily for a short 
period, fretted, was soon appeased, and then "worked" again for a 
short period. That the normative situations made an almost 
universal appeal to the infants is proved with overwhelming 
statistical evidence by the records. The number of instances of 
complete resistance, either active or passive, was amazingly small. 
Occasionally it was amusing to see how an infant exploited the test 
materials with unabated effectiveness while he was still in the 
throes of a temporary emotional disturbance. 

Fretting and fussing were noted and recorded even when the 
manifestations were extremely mild and fleeting. At every age 
level there were from 17 to 41 per cent of the infants who showed 
no fussing whatsoever. And in the great majority of the remaining 
infants the fussing was transient. 

The adequacy of the infant's behavioral attitude and of the 
observational conditions is best reflected in the great rarity of 
instances in which the normative examination had to be postponed 
or abandoned. In a total of 524 visits there were only 12 instances 



38 THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 9 

in which the infants were returned to the clinic on the second day 
to complete the examination, and then the consideration some- 
times was one of practicability rather than necessity. 

Preventive precautions were taken to secure satisfactory adjust- 
ment at the clinic. In the preliminary home visit the baby's daily 
schedule had been determined. The appointment at the clinic and 
the examination at home were planned to fit into this schedule. 
Accordingly, from 85 per cent to 95 per cent of the infants from 
1 to 44 weeks of age were seen in the afternoon. At 4 and 6 weeks 
of age from 89 to 97 per cent of the infants were observed in the 
morning. From one-fourth to one-third of the infants from 48 to 
56 weeks of age were also seen in the morning. From one-half to 
three-fourths of the infants of all age levels were fed at the clinic 
prior to the normative examinations. Frequently the infants were 
also placed in the crib for a period of rest or sleep. These arrange- 
ments served to promote a favorable initial adjustment to the 
total situation. 

Care was also taken to reassure the confidence of the mother 
and to encourage her interest. The general aim of the whole investi- 
gation was explained to her and she was freely invited to observe 
the examination. Usually her observation station was behind a 
one- way- vision screen which offered full visibility but concealed 
her completely from the infant. If the child was highly dependent 
upon the mother, the mother was permitted to take an incon- 
spicuous position near the head of the examining crib outside of 
the direct vision of the infant. In any event it was the mother who 
undressed the child and wrapped the blanket around him and 
carried him to the examining crib where, under the direction of the 
examiner, she placed the infant on the platform or in the examining 
chair. The mother was therefore closely associated with the exam- 
ination without actively participating during the period of more 
formal observation. The examiner's dictation served to establish a 
measure of detachment on the part of the mother during the 
examination. 

At the 4 and 6 weeks age levels the normative examinations 
were made in the home out of deference both to the mother and to 
the infant. Except in hot weather the examination was usually 
made in the kitchen, which had been previously warmed for the 
occasion. It may be said at this point that the locus of the normative 
examination, whether at home, in examining room, or in photo- 
graphic dome, had only a minor effect upon the flow of behavior. 



GENERAL OBSERVATION PROCEDURES 



39 



At 8 weeks of age, however, It was observed that the Infants just 
recently fed tended to bask so contentedly In the diffuse light of the 
dome that this possibly had a depressor effect upon the degree of 
activity. At all later ages, the conditions of the dome examination 
tended to operate in a stimulating direction. Although the cameras 
were well concealed and silenced, there were a few children at the 
more advanced age levels who showed marked sensitivity to sounds. 

The special arrangements for the home examination may be 
briefly summarized. The examiner brought a portable examining 
table pictured in Fig. 2. This examining table was approxi- 
mately 20 inches wide and S3 inches long. If the baby was awake, 
he was placed in the supine position on the canvas examining 
table and his clothes were gently removed, with a possible exception 
of the abdominal band. Here, as at the clinic, the mother usually 
undressed the infant. If the baby was asleep, he was permitted to 
sleep unless he was in any event routinely awakened at that time. 
When placed on the examining table, the infant's spontaneous 
behavior was first noted; the examination then proceeded iix 
accordance with schedule. 

At 8 weeks of age the infants were examined at the clinic and at 
this age, and at 12 weeks, the infant was placed upon a specially 
constructed canvas frame which lay athwart the platform of the 
crib and was upholstered with layers of cellulose to a thickness of 
about four inches. Beginning with the age of 12 weeks, and at 
subsequent age levels through 8 weeks, all of the infants were 
also placed in the chair for part of the examination. At 32 weeks 85 
per cent, and at 36 weeks 46 per cent, of the infants were placed 
in the chair for the examination. These percentages declined to 
at 56 weeks. It should be said, however, that in a few instances 
infants were placed in the examining chair not because they needed 
its support but because the chair helped to adjust them more 
satisfactorily to the table-top situations. The percentage of children 
who were not placed in the chair but who sat on the platform for 
the entire examination rose from 21 per cent at 32 weeks to 100 per 
cent at 56 weeks. 

Whenever possible the infant was allowed to sit on the plat- 
form confronting the table top without the use of the chair. If 
the infant showed any signs. of fatigue from sitting, or any evidence 
of imbalance, he was put in the examining chair for the remainder 
of the examination. Incidentally we should stress the importance of 
safeguarding * the infant even after he has apparently attained 



40 THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 9 

the ability to sit alone without support. Two things may happen to 
such an infant. The child may balance himself quite competently 
say for twenty minutes, and then for reasons of fatigue he suddenly 
fails in his control and may topple over. Or he may "forget" 
himself and lunge either to the side or completely backwards. 
Such a backward lunge is obviated if the child sits near the rear of 
the crib. The lateral falls can be intercepted only by the vigilance 
of the examiner or the attendant. It is well not to presume too much 
on the sitting competency even of a 40 weeks-old infant. 

The duration of the examination varied in general with the 
maturity of the infant. Individual variations arose out of differ- 
ences in personality and special circumstances. Postural maturity 
also tended to have an effect upon the length of tie examination. 
In general, the average length of the examination rose from a 
quarter of an hour at 4 weeks to approximately half an tour at 
20 weeks. After 20 weeks, the examination consumed approximately 
three-fourths of an hour. 

The course of the examination likewise varied somewhat with the 
age and postural capacities of the infant. At the younger age levels 
the examination always began with an observation of the behavior 
in the supine position. At 4, 6, 8, 12 and 16 weeks this was 
followed by the dangling ring situation which in turn was followed 
by the rattle, except for one group of 16 weeks-old infants in which 
this order of ring and rattle was reversed. The routine of the 
procedure is summarized in the accompanying chart. The chart also 
indicates the scope of each behavior situation. The order of proce- 
dure indicated was strictly adhered to except in a small number of 
instances, when photographic or other requirements made slight 
changes desirable. It should be added that the standard order of 
procedure was the empirical outgrowth of previous clinical experi- 
ence with the method (see Fig. 10). 

Slight variations in procedure also were introduced in the 
observations of the advanced postural reactions in infants 32 weeks 
of age and older. These observations occurred after removal of the 
table top, when the child had the freedom of the crib, and they 
were conducted in a more informal manner, the child being en- 
couraged to take the lead and to assert his postural capacities. 

In the table-top situations the established procedure was 
closely followed but not in a stilted manner. Effort was made to 
have the course of the examination run fluently, merging one 
situation into the next by srapoth transitions. We attempted to 



9 GENERAL OBSERVATION PROCEDURES 41 

ROUTE SCHEDULE FOR NORMATIVE EXAMINATIONS 
Read across to ascertain the ages at which a given situation was used. 
Read down from the top of any given age column to ascertain the sequence of situations 
at that age. 



Age: 

wks 


6 


S 


12 


16* 


20 


4 


28 


3 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 






Supine 










). 














Dangling Ring| 








Rattle 




Rodf 1 










Bell-snapper- voice 








Pull 

Sitf 


id to 
ing 


Paper 


Dangling Ring 










Sitting 






Stan 




Chair 










Table top 






t 


1 




Consecutive 
Cubes 


1 


















Massed 
Cubes 


















Spoon 








Block Building 


1 




>oon 












Cup 














Pellet 


Cup and Sj 


Cup and Cubes 














Cup 










Bell 


Pellet and Bottle 






ding 




1 








Ring and String 








Formboard 


Paper and Crayon 






Performance box 
























Picture Cardsf 




)- 




Mirror 










1 Prone 1 




























Ball play and 


Advanced Posture Locomotion* 

1 ... _ j. 


| 











* Two groups were examined at 16 weeks, one carrying out the procedure used at the younger age levels, and 
the other using the procedure for the older age levels* 

f Situation given but behavior not reported in text. . 

j Going from the sitting to the prone position, from the sitting to the standing, rolling, creeping, walking, 
stair climbing and the attaining of one postural position from any other. 

FIG. 10. Chart showing order of normative situations. 



42 THE NORMATIVE OBSERVATIONS 9 

avoid the attitude of setting tests in sharp installments and aimed 
at unity and continuity in the examination session. By keeping the 
examination material readily accessible in the container bag at the 
end of the crib, or in the examiner's smock, it was possible to shift 
from one situation to another with relative ease. Care was taken 
not to extract any objects from the infant's grasp against vigorous 
protest. With few exceptions it was possible to remove the material 
by gently prying or by a simple ruse which readily diverted his 
attention to the imminent situation next in order. 

The method of presentation of the material was in general 
similar for all of the test objects. This method is pictured with the 
single cube in the accompanying illustration (Fig. 8) and may be 
described in detail in the present tense as follows : 

The examiner stands at the child y s left at the head end of the 
crib and almost completely out of direct range of the child's vision. The 
child is seated in the examining chair or on the platform looking for- 
ward with hands in an unconstrained position. The examiner takes 
the cube out of the pocket of the container or out of his smock and, 
remaining in the background, he circuitously approaches the farther 
edge of the table top with the cube in his hand. He holds the cube in 
horizontal plane between the index finger and thumb and then brings 
it into the child's view. If the child is not looking in the direction of the 
object, the examiner waits for a favorable moment for the further 
presentation of the cube. He then slowly advances it in a horizontal 
plane about % in. above the table top and places it noiselessly in the 
standard median position. He uses about % sec. to advance the cube 
from the table edge to this position. (The tips of his fingers traverse 
the median plane.) He withdraws the hand promptly with moderate 
dispatch., avoiding sudden movements. He then retreats slightly toward 
the corner of the crib so that the child may give undivided attention to 
the cube. If the cube is not contacted by the infant, it is left in position 
10 seconds. The examiner then advances it in a similar manner to 
the near median position, 

In nearly all of the behavior situations similar maneuvers were 
used. Variations were judiciously introduced to check doubtful ob- 
servations and to meet special contingencies but otherwise the 
procedure was adhered to. In general, when the objects were 
proffered to the infant neither hand was favored. When objects 
were inserted in the hand, it was the infant's left hand. The 
examiner used discretion and judgment in reinstating situations 
if the conditions were abnormally altered by fortuitous reactions* 



9 GENERAL OBSERVATION PROCEDURES 43 

The specific procedure for the Individual behavior situations 
will be presented in the following chapter. The formulations will be 
made in the past tense and may be regarded as concise descrip- 
tions of the experimental conditions of the systematic normative 
observations. A more extended and technical specification of the 
procedures in the present tense will be found in the monographic 
volume.* 

As a final precaution, it should again be emphatically stated 
that the procedures as outlined do not cover all of the technicalities 
and safeguards which were instituted in the conduct of the study. 
Every care should be taken with regard to the physical safety of 
the infant. His manipulation of the objects and his activities in 
the crib must be vigilantly watched. Precautions must also be 
taken with respect to the cleanliness of all the observational test 
objects and the sanitariness of the arrangements. Behavior observa- 
tions of infants should not be too freely attempted by the amateur. 
No diagnostic work with infants, and particularly infants of tender 
age, should be undertaken apart from medical auspices and medical 
safeguards. 

* Norms of Infant Development* 



CHAPTER THREE 

NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF INFANT 
BEHAVIOR 

Its Growth as Revealed by the Normative Survey 
10. POSTURAL BEHAVIOR IN GENERAL 

POSTURE is behavior. Postural patterns are behavior patterns. 
To be sure, these patterns are influenced by bodily size and 
proportions, by joints and ligaments, and even by the abdominal 
viscera. But primarily they are determined by the maturity and 
organization of the infant's central neural equipment. The posi- 
tions, the stances, the motor attitudes which he assumes are net 
resultants of a complicated system of reflexes and reaction trends 
which vary from age to age. Posture is not the manifestation of a 
discrete set of abilities which increase "as the child grows stronger.'* 
It is quite unwarranted to relegate posture to a secondary status 
in the psychology of the infant. It is sounder, at least from a genetic 
standpoint, to interpret postural behavior by the same principles 
which we apply to so-called higher orders of behavior. The adaptive 
aspects of postural adjustments should be recognized and con- 
versely the effect of postural control on adaptive behavior, even on 
insight, should not be overlooked. 

There is more danger in using the category of posture too 
narrowly than too broadly. For purposes of discussion the term 
will be made to refer chiefly to translocations of the entire body and 
changes in the orientation of the body or its members. But since the 
body participates as a whole in most of the reactions of the infant, 
we may look for mechanisms of posture in his subtle as well as 
gross activities. In a sense there is a postural aspect, overt or 
concealed, in all of his behavior. Theoretically also the concept of 
posture may be extended to parts of the body as well as the total 
physique. We may speak of leg posture, of head posture, digital 
posture, and even of ocular posture. In the early development of 
eye-hand functions, and particularly in prehensory approach, 
postural factors are of great importance, 

44 



10 POSTURAL BEHAVIOR IN GENERAL 45 

It is impossible to separate the mechanisms of prehension 
completely from those of posture. It is equally impossible to sepa- 
rate posture from locomotion, for locomotion is an alternating, 
repetitive series of postures. Adequately coordinated, the seriation 
results in pivoting or in propulsion, forward, backward, sideward, 
or upward. A more limited coordination results in "mere" postural 
activity, like bouncing, wriggling, kicking, head rolling, etc. When 
the postural reactions are discriminatingly directed to the solution 
of a problem or the overcoming of an obstacle, postural activity 
blends into adaptive behavior. 

So much for the pervasiveness of postural behavior. When next 
we inquire, Whence comes all this postural behavior? we raise 
important theoretical issues concerning the whole subject of 
stimulus factors. 

At the outset a simple distinction, though by implication a 
difficult one, should be made between postural energy and postural 
ability. Postural activity entails many calories. The debilitated 
infant, therefore, husbands energy by reducing his postural activ- 
ity. Likewise timidity, so often associated with debility, depresses 
postural behavior. Such reduction of activity should not be 
confused with intrinsic retardation or inferiority of postural 
abilities. The abilities depend more on developmental organization 
than on energy availability. 

In the healthy child postural reactiveness is largely determined 
by his developmental maturity. The intensity of his bodily activity, 
as well as its pattern, is a function of the ripeness of his postural 
equipment. At critical stages of nascency his postural propensities 
are well-nigh irrepressible. He seems to be under an urge to assume 
new attitudes, to lift his head, to sit up, or to propel himself for- 
ward. He combats the confinements of space and gravity. Surely 
the primary stimulus factor here arises intrinsically from the 
process of growth itself. 

Consequently the infant will often appear to engage in postural 
activity for its own sake. He may be comfortably seated in front 
of the table top of the crib and suddenly pivot about or rise to his 
feet as though under an obtruding impulse which will not be 
denied. Likewise his creeping and early walking often are quite 
unpremeditated. He simply goes somewhere, but apparently 
with no objective other than locomotion itself. 

Yet it is surprising how soon and how perseveringly he will 
use his immature postural abilities in an instrumental way, or 



46 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 10 

combine them with some other ability. Even during the act of 
pulling himself up in the play pen he will reach through the palings 
to grasp at the same time a toy which interests him. Thus he com- 
bines a matured with a maturing pattern of behavior. He will hold 
and carry a toy even when he can scarcely maintain his balance. 
When creeping he will support himself on all threes while he uses 
his fourth extremity to drag or manipulate an object. These 
simple observations have more than trivial import. They show that 
the infant is manifesting neither a highly generalized instinct nor a 
highly specific one. In posture as elsewhere he is bringing varied 
forms of behavior into functional relationship to serve his develop- 
mental needs. 

Postural behavior therefore presents an almost paradoxical 
mixture of certainty and of contingency. Nothing is normally 
more certain than the prediction that the newborn infant will 
some day assume an erect posture and walk; but there are impres- 
sive individual differences with respect to the time schedule and 
the style schedule which he will follow as he "learns" to walk like 
a man. 

These individual differences raise further, complicated ques- 
tions concerning stimulus factors. Some children have great native 
caution, others have equally great abandon. These personality 
differences influence postural behavior. Some children have been 
much restrained by the restriction of clothes, by severe falls, or 
by parental interference. Other individual differences may have 
a physiological or specific hereditary basis. The effect of rickets 
and other nutritional conditions on motor activity is well known. 
The tonicity of the muscular system influences postural patterns. 
If infants are roughly divided into two bipolar groups, those who 
are definitely of an extensor type prove to make a better showing 
on the posture development schedules. There can be no doubt 
that constitutional traits express themselves in infancy in differ- 
ences in motility, notably in the sphere of posture and locomotion. 

Many other factors could be listed to show how the trends of 
postural development are inflected by associated circumstances. 
So ubiquitous are all these factors, both remote and immediate, 
that they could not be brought under complete control in the 
normative investigation. Nevertheless, a systematic effort was 
made to secure inclusive data on postural behavior at each of the 
age levels from 4 through 56 weeks. Postural situations were 



10 POSTURAL BEHAVIOR IN GENERAL 47 

instituted well In advance of the ages where full performance was 
expected. Care of course was taken not to prolong novel postures 
and to postpone certain observations to the end of the examina- 
tion. All observations were reported chiefly In positive, descriptive 
terms In order to establish the developmental forerunners and 
components of the more mature behavior. 

In principle no distinction was made between postural situa- 
tions and "nonpostural" situations. Similar pains were taken to 
observe adopted procedures. As an experimental test, placing a 
child in the prone position to elicit his postural reactions has as 
much status as placing a cube before him to evoke visual attention 
and prehension. It was found that exactness of procedure and 
adequate rapport with the child were no less Important in the 
postural situations than in the more refined behavior situations. 
Even slight changes in the way in which a child was held and 
handled, or oriented to a new position, introduced changes of 
motor set which influenced the postural response. When a child 
is lifted, he tends increasingly with age to assume a rather labile 
state of multiple readiness, so that he can promptly adjust to any 
position in which he may be placed. This makes room for many 
variables. Apparently innocent environmental factors prove to 
have considerable power. Accordingly it was found that the method 
of administering lures to induce posture, needs careful attention 
from the examiner. The lure was most effective when placed just 
outside of the child's reach. Ruses must sometimes be used to 
increase the enticement of the lure, which proves that the stimulus 
factors are not in fixed equilibrium but are subject to inflection. 
For example, if the examiner wishes to induce rolling from supine 
to prone he should hold the lure at an optimum level and position. 
If the lure is so placed that the child reaches sideward for it, the 
attitude of the arm nearest the lure may physically interfere with 
rolling, whereas if the lure is moved further head ward this dif- 
ficulty Is removed. Weariness, contentment, and general maturity 
may also affect the response. When the child is ready to creep he 
is more ready to adopt a prone position. Sometimes an added 
social stimulus will be a deciding factor, and an immobile child will 
then creep or toddle toward the receiving hands of his mother at 
the end of the crib. 

When one attempts to recapitulate all of the stimulus factors 
which may enter into the production of postural behavior, the 



48 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 10 

list becomes formidable. These factors, external and internal, 
include fatigue, nutrition, antecedent experiences, vitamins, 
term, of gestation, constitutional trends and specific hereditary 
determiners, emotional characteristics, the distance of the lure, 
the pressure of the assisting hands of the examiner, the texture and 
hardness of the mattress in the younger infant, the pull of gravity, 
the visual goals, the inner urges, motivational excitants, and other 
factors too numerous to catalogue. In spite of all these variables, 
consistent and lawful trends asserted themselves in the normative 
data. These trends will be considered in detail in connection with 
individual situations. It is noteworthy that developmental trends 
did become so evident. It means that the general course and se- 
quence of postural behavior are after all governed by intrinsic 
growth factors. The contingencies are limited by certainties. The 
ontogenetic certainties are assured by maturation and are ex- 
pressed in developmental drive. The effectiveness and modus 
operandi of the extraneous contingencies are delimited by the 
attained organization of these certainties. 

These maturational certainties are partly expressed in the 
oephalocaudad "law" of development. It has been amply demon- 
strated both in man and in infrahuman vertebrates that the course 
of developmental organization in general proceeds in an antero- 
posterior direction and from proximal to distal segments. This 
law or principle is frequently mentioned in subsequent discussions; 
but we do not assume that it operates in a symmetric and uniform 
manner. It is a descriptive formula which reveals interesting 
exceptions that can be explained only in terms of less generalizing 
concepts. The principle of "from fundamental to accessory" has a 
similar status in the interpretation of infant behavior. 

Postural behavior does not constitute a separate or secondary 
set of phenomena which can be successfully isolated for scientific 
study. Posture must be analyzed in relation to its contexts. And 
in a great number of behavior situations, posture itself contributes 
to the context. To the adult, postural behavior is so automatic 
that he easily forgets its primary and often dominating status 
in the life of the infant. Genetically the mechanisms of postural 
behavior are extremely complex. It takes time to perfect them 
and, above all, it takes time to weave them into complicated 
relations with the mechanisms for other forms of behavior. This 
is one reason why human infancy is so prolonged, and why a 
kitten walks earlier than a baby. 



11 SUPINE BEHAVIOR 40 

11. SUPINE BEHAVIOR 

(4 weeks-40 weeks) 

The Situation 








FIG. 11. Supine behavior, 6 weeks and 24 weeks. 

The mother or examiner placed the infant on his back upon the 
platform of the examining crib. In accordance with the procedure, 
which was uniform for most of the situations, the examiner took 
a place inconspicuously at the rear left corner of the crib and 
observed the course of the infant's spontaneous behavior for a 
period of three minutes. No further stimulus was supplied in this 
situation. A lure (rattle, tricolored rings, or bells) was used from 
24 weeks on to induce pivoting and rolling to the prone position, 

Stimulus Factors 

When one attempts to appraise the possible stimulus factors 
which operate in the production of supine behavior patterns, the 
complexity of this whole behavior field at once becomes apparent. 
Superficially the spontaneous supine behavior situation appears 
to be the simplest in the entire developmental schedule, but analy- 
sis discloses the presence of numerous stimuli, external and in- 
ternal, whose relative force changes from age to age. 

The platform or mattress on which the infant lies is the basic 
external stimulus factor. The snug impingement of an extensive 
surface against his back may well afford him a positively agreeable 
experience at the early age levels. The 28 weeks-old infant, how- 
ever, exhibits a kind of intolerance for the passive supine position 
and a preference for other postures. 

The attitude in which an infant holds his head influences his 
supine posturing. The rotated sidewise position of the head is 



50 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 11 

part of the tonic neck reflex and the pressure sensations aroused 
by this head attitude are an important stimulus factor for inducing 
and maintaining the total postural response. When the head be- 
comes active and seeks the mid-line position more frequently, 
the tonic neck reflex tends concomitantly to dissolve. These cor- 
relations suggest that the stimulus importance of the proprio- 
ceptors changes with the maturity of the infant. As his head and 
eyes gain in mobility, visual factors influence his behavior more 
powerfully. For this reason he also becomes more sensitive to 
lures, which wield an increasing effect upon his postural attitudes. 
In spite of all of these inflectional factors, the trends of develop- 
ment indicate that the patterns of movement and of attitude are 
primarily determined by the maturity of the controlling neuro- 
muscular system. -Even if the environment were heavily weighted 
with social and perceptual inducements, it would be impossible 
to produce in the infant of 8 weeks the patterns of supine behavior 
which he so readily assumes at weeks. 

Behavior Trends 

In spite of the apparent simplicity of the supine situation, the 
patterns of observed behavior are difficult to characterize in 
totality. It is impossible to bring the whole child under comprehen- 
sive observation and yet his entire physique must of necessity be 
accounted for in a full description of the behavior flow. This flow 
is continuously affected by changes in the stimulus factors, both 
internal and external, and the various subsidiary fields of activity 
undergo corresponding shifts of emphasis. It is this fluctuation in 
the condition of equilibrium or lack of sustained f ocalization which 
makes the behavior seem somewhat random and elusive. 

A close study of this behavior, however, shows that it is in no 
sense inchoate but is integrated and systematized. Repeated 
inspection of the cinema records of supine behavior convinces one 
that the observed items of behavior are significantly correlated 
and that even though there are shifts of emphasis the child is 
reacting as a unit. Comparative study of cinema records at advanc- 
ing age levels affords convincing proof that there is a systematizing 
postural behavior mechanism which is organically continuous 
throughout advancing age levels. To secure the most intimate 
familiarity with supine behavior it is necessary to study such 
cinema records repeatedly, to see the reactions of the infants 



11 



SUPINE BEHAVIOR 



51 



SITUATION: SCPIXE >'Su) 



Su 


Behavior Items 


4 


6 


i 
8 


12 If 20 ' '24 ' -8 


32 I of 40 


44 


48 55 


50 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 
55 
56 
57 
58 
59 
60 
61 
62 
63 
64 
65 
66 
67 
68 
69 


Head predominantly rotated . . 


00 
72 

44 
53 

66 

38 

100 
56 

81 

38j 
19 
25 
38 
62 

31 
19 
81 

59 
25 
31 
44 
25 
100 
66 
33 


41 
38 
9 
16 




90 
32 
81 
91 
65 
3 
3 
69 
35 
19 
19 
72 
53 
22 


97 

64 
11 
36 
4 
61 
32 

97 
75 
68 
43 
18 
32 
25 
46 
16 
21 
11 
89 

75 
21 
32 
32 
7 
100 
83 
16 

21 
11 
18 
4 




100 
29 
79 
93 
82 

7( 
54 

36 
18 
86 
61 

29 


93 
79 

25 
48 
7 
54 
29 

93 
71 
64 
25 
21 
46 
25 
57 

40 

14 
14 
82 
12 
64 
32 
18 
32 
11 
92 
92 
16 
8 
29 
21 
32 
11 




93 
32 
89 
97 
57 


71 
64 
39 
25 
82 
61 
54 


84 1 
69 

15, 
62. 

38 

64 
60 
56 
62 
40 
35 
23 
56 
31 
20 
24 
64 
12 
44 
31 
20 
28 
8 
72 
52 
50 
28 
24 
12 
40 
28 
8 



92 
29 
72 
96 
42 

4 
80 
58 
19 
23 
77 
42 
58 


20 
33 

76 

71' 
57, 

11 
30 

29 
S3 
63 
54 
34 
68 
59 
27 
17 
53 
7 
25 
34 
14 
31 

63 
35 
59 
35 
38 

39 
47 
27 
12 

4 
81 
46 
55 
94 
32 
9 
2 
96 
24 

38 
70 
33 
40 



100 

13 



28 
57 

4 i 

15 
57 

35 
20 
41 
35 
40 


31 

69 

15 

33 

32 
20 

10 
57 

M 

79 

24 
21 


21 
71 

36 

7 

21 

28 


i 
10 

40 
48 
44 
28 
5 
41 
8 
10 
28 
36 
35 

30 

70 

20 

14 
15 
10 
8 
24 
68 
36 
52 
72 

28 


36 
84 

28 
i 

2] 
17 
10 
17 
62 
17 
17 
17 


41 


3' 

35 
35 
19 
5 
5 
58 
35 
23 
35 
35 
42 

21 

79 



8 
10 
5 
28 
31 
48 
35 
52 
43 

54 


30 
87 

35 

15 
4 
8 
4 
4 
4 

54 
19 
19 
19 


42 


16 

22 
25 
9 

\ 

58 

17 

48 

52 

16 


8 


35 
44 

26 
36 

45 

4 
65 


18 
86 

8 
8 
8 
17 

4 
54 

29 
28 
28 


24 


) 

33 

| 

I 

13 
8 

46 
3 
29 

29 
20 


8 
8 
19 
17 
50 
22 

4 

42 


12 
72 

31 
20 
13 

4 

8 

68 

38 
54 

42 


13 


68 

63 

16 

42 
68 
5* 








Head predominantly rotated to same side. . 
Head in mid position only momentarily. . . . 
Head maintains mid position . . ... 


Head predominantly in mid position ...... 


Rotates head perceptibly 


Rotates head from one side to the other . . . 
Lifts head 


Arms prominently in t-n-r position 
Face arm ex. lat. or flexed forearm vertical. 
Occiput arm at occiput, shoulder, or chest. . . 
Arms symmetrical 


Arms prominently symmetrical 


Arms ex. lat. or flexed, forearm vertical. . . . 
Arms extended laterally, or at side of trunk. 
Arms flexed 


Arms predominantly flexed 


Arms ilexed hand beside-head 


Arms flexed hand on chest 


Arm extended 


A^m predominantly extended 


One arm extended 


Arm extended vertically or laterally 
Arm ex. at side of body or directly f ootward 
Arms extended. . . 


Arms in windmill motions . , , , . 


Hand predominantly closed 


Hands predominantly closed 


Hand predominantly open. . 


Hands predominantly open 


Hand at mouth T 


Face hand at mouth 


Fingers or scratches body 


Hands in contact, arms flexed 


Hands active in mutual fingering 
Hands engage at distance from chest 


Grasps foot .... 


Pulls foot to mouth (T*) . . . 


Leg predominantly flexed . 


Legs acutely flexed at knees and hips. ..... 


Legs flexed heels on platform . . r 


Legs flexed, outwardly rotated 


Leg extends briefly. ........ 


Legs ex. on platform more than briefly 
Legs extended and lifted more than briefly . 
Both legs active. ... 


One leg independently active ............. 




Feet engage 


Lifts leg from platform. 




Kicks *. 


Lifts head, shoulders, and feet 
Rolls or swings pelvis 


35 
3 


25 



57 





58 


8 


32 

29 
8 


Pivots 


Arches back. 


Bounces hips. 
Progresses lieadward C'") 


38 
39 



59 
19 
75 
6 

22 


35 

21 

1 

8! 
52 

7: 

6! 


37 
29 
( 

1 

45 
63 

15 


50 

12 





44 
84 


43 
50 





17 
8] 

j 


27 
59 
3 
3 
3 


53 




Rolls to prone . 


Rolls to prone or attains sit. with slight ass. 




Fixates definitely . - ' 








"P I ^xnrexwon attentive 





Extended laterally means at right angles to body, (r) = report. 

In all normative tables, percentages of 50 and above are printed in bold face. Frequencies 
less than 50 which have indicative import are printed in italics. 



52 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 11 

themselves, and to analyze reflectively the data provided both by 
photography and by direct observation.* 

Since the task of verbal description is difficult, it will be neces- 
sary to describe separately the behavior patterns of different parts 
of the infant's body. Incidental comment will be made to remind us 
that these parts do not function independently but always in some 
dynamic and genetic relationship with all other parts. It does not 
follow that this dynamic relationship between varied portions of 
the body is equally strong at all ages and at all moments, for there 
is continuous shifting in the whole pattern of tensions. We shall 
consider in order: the head, arms, hands, trunk, and legs, stressing 
the growth changes in behavior patterning throughout the gamut of 
age levels. The synthetic correlation of the developmental data in 
these varied subdivisions must be left largely to the reader. It is 
proper enough to begin with the head, for, in general, neuromuscular 
organization proceeds cephalocaudally, that is, from head to foot. 
Moreover, the head postures at the early stages play an almost 
decisive role in shaping the total patterns of the infant's supine 
attitudes and reactions. 

The Head. There are three forms of head activity to be con- 
sidered: rotation from left to right and right to left; fixation of 
the head in a side or mid position; lifting of the head from the 
platform. Head lifting was not observed in any normative infants 
from 4 through 1 weeks of age, but they displayed to a variable 
degree the other forms of head activity. At least two-thirds of 
the infants at all ages rotated the head perceptibly. At 8 weeks the 
percentage fell below two-thirds because, at that age, the infants 
under the conditions of the examination were more than ordinarily 
quiescent. The amount of head activity during the period of 
observation showed an increasing trend from age to age up to 
16 weeks. 

The degree of head turning showed a similar increase. This 
reaction, however, is unquestionably affected by the shape of 
the head as well as by the maturity of the infant. Bound-headed 
infants rotate the head through a longer arc and also rotate it 
more frequently. When round-headedness was combined with 
extensor habitus, the amount of head activity was conspicuously 
increased. At all ages from 4 to 16 weeks, about one-quarter of 
the infants proved to be active head turners. On the other hand, 

* A careful study of the delineations in the Atlas of Infant Behavior will serve to make 
concrete the details which are developed in the following summary. 



11 SUPINE BEHAVIOR 53 

a group of equal size showed little or no head turning. In the latter 
group there were marked cases of long-headedness. It did not, 
however, follow that the active head turners were more competent 
in following with eyes and head a moving object like the dangling 
ring. If anything the quiescent group ultimately made a better 
showing in ring following. These behavior contrasts between the 
long- and the round-heads will be developed in the discussion of 
the dangling ring and rattle situations in w r hich the infant also 
displayed his supine behavior characteristics. 

When the 4 weeks-old infant is lowered and placed on the 
horizontal platform, his head promptly assumes a side position 
which brings the chin near to the shoulder. Indeed, such a position 
was assumed by 100 per cent of the normative group. At 4 weeks 
approximately one-third of the cases seemed to have a definite 
preference for the right side during the period of observation, 
another third preferred the left side, and the remainder assumed 
either right or left side position with apparently equal ease and 
comfort. Although it is not suggested that these preferences 
persist throughout a full hour, or a full day, or a full week, they 
do assert themselves very definitely and impress their influence 
on the total behavior picture for considerable periods. Character- 
istically the 4 weeks-old infant lies prolongedly with his head fully 
turned to the side. He does turn it occasionally as far as the mid 
position, but maintains the latter position only very briefly. 
No 4 weeks-old infant held the head predominantly in the mid 
position and only a few did so at 6, 8, and 12 weeks. At 16 weeks, 
however, two-thirds of the children maintained a mid position of 
the head predominantly. This simple item is developmental^ of 
great importance because it is correlated with numerous behavior 
patterns which genetically concern perception, prehension, and 
general postural control. 

Conversely, from 84 to 100 per cent of children at 4, 6, 8, and 
12 weeks of age kept the head predominantly in the side position. 
At 16 weeks one child in five showed this head posture; and at 
20 weeks no child assumed it. In two-thirds or more of the cases 
through 12 weeks the head remained rotated to the same side 
during the period of observation. The side position of the head is 
seldom as marked at 12 weeks as at the earlier age levels, and the 
position is more accurately described as being semi-left or semi-right. 
This fact is itself an indication of increasing mobility of head 
posture. The 4 weeks-old infant not infrequently displays a degree 



54 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 11 

of mobility which seems to be greater than that at 6, 8, and 
12 weeks. This is a primitive form of mobility not identical with 
the directed head control displayed at 16 weeks. It may be said 
that certain behavior items at the 4 weeks level not infrequently 
resemble those observed at 16 weeks but they arise out of a different 
neuromotor basis and have a more primitive genetic significance. 
Even with these qualifications, there is a definite developmental 
trend toward facile head movements. About one-third of the 
infants accomplished complete or nearly complete head rotation 
through an arc of 180 at the age levels up to 12 weeks. At 16 weeks 
over half (57 per cent) rotated the head completely from one side 
to the other. 

One item of behavior in the 16 weeks-old infant is not shared by 
his juniors at 4, 6, 8, and 12 weeks: namely, lifting the head. At 
16 weeks 11 per cent, and at 28 weeks 35 per cent, of the infants 
lift the head. At 16 weeks this head lifting occurs only during 
social stimulation ; at 28 weeks it occurs without social stimulation 
probably as part of the urge to sit up. At 32 weeks only 16 per cent 
lifted the head, but this is partly due to the fact that the infant 
at this age rolls to his side and pushes himself to a sitting position 
by his arm. Lifting the head forward increases again after this 
age until at 40 weeks 68 per cent of the infants lift the head and 
shoulders as a preliminary adjustment to sitting up without 
rolling over. 

Arms and Hands. The transition from head to arms is a 
simple one because in the mechanisms of supine behavior the head, 
as already suggested, plays a determining role. The side position 
of the head so definitely seen at 4 weeks produces the tonic neck 
reflex a postural reflex which involves all four extremities with 
most pronounced effect upon the arms. The "face" arm (namely 
the arm toward which the infant is facing) is in a condition to 
flex and extend and move about while the occiput arm is held 
flexed and relatively immobile close to the shoulder. Reversals 
occur with change of head position. If the face is turned to the 
right, the right arm is typically extended at right angles to the 
body on the platform, the ; lef t arm is flexed and the left hand is 
near the occiput. Variations from this classical picture are observed 
but the pattern is universal at 4 weeks; almost universal at 
6 and 8 weeks; present in two-thirds of the children at 12 weeks; 
in one-third of the children at 16 weeks; and quite out of the 
picture at 20 weeks. These decrements are correlated with the 



Ill SUPINE BEHAVIOR 



*>> 



changes In pattern of head activity which have already been 
described. At 6 weeks the pattern is highly stereotyped. The dis- 
appearance of the tonic neck reflex attitude at 20 weeks is cor- 
related with the free ranging mobility of the head at this age. 
This does not mean that the tonic neck reflex mechanism has 
dropped out of the child's neurological constitution; doubtless 
in his versatile activity he frequently assumes for imperceptible 
periods the attitude corresponding to the immature tonic neck 
reflex, but such posturing is so transient and so lost in the multitude 
of other patterns that it escapes observation. It probably persists 
in some latent form. 

Very frequently at the early age levels the tonic neck reflex 
attitude can be induced by the examiner through manipulation 
of the child's head posture and can be reversed from left to right 
by altering the head station. In one striking instance we elicited 
this postural reflex repeatedly without even touching the child. 
We passed the hand slowly across his field of vision. His head 
moved in obedience. When the hand was moved to the right, the 
child assumed a rightward tonic neck reflex position; when the 
hand was moved to the left, he assumed almost with jumping- 
jack precision the leftward tonic neck reflex attitude. When our 
hand was immobilized in the mid line to induce a mid-position 
fixation, the child assumed a symmetrical pronate attitude of 
the flexed arms as though he were under mechanical control. 
These phenomena were in no sense miraculous; they occurred 
because both the maturity level and current physiological state 
of the infant were peculiarly propitious. 

The tonic neck reflex keeps the arms of the infant at 4, 6, 8, 
and 12 weeks laterally at the head and chest levels. Nearly all 
of the movements take place above the waist level and the arms 
remain in a more or less constricted sphere of activity. Up to 
12 weeks the face arm is characteristically found resting on the 
platform; both, forearms show a tendency as the child develops 
to move from a position in the lateral vicinity of the head to a 
lateral position in the vicinity of the chest, and finally, at 16 weeks, 
to a position which brings the hands nearer to the mid plane. 
From 20 weeks through 32 weeks the arms show an increasing 
tendency to be projected below the waist line toward the feet. 

As a result of this postural trend, the hands frequently come 
to the mouth at 16 weeks (52 per cent). This same tendency leads 
.to symmetrical attitudes of the arms in almost two-thirds of the 



56 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 11 

children at 12 weeks and at 16 weeks. At the latter age, the arms 
are predominantly in symmetrical orientation. Both arms may 
then rest in lateral extension on the platform at right angles to 
the body with or without forearm flexed and directed vertically 
(54 per cent). It will be noted incidentally that these arm attitudes 
are favorable to, or preparatory to, the closing-in reaction upon 
a dangling object. 

Prior to 4 weeks, innervation of the arm is mostly at the 
shoulder and the predominant activity consists of internal and 
external rotation. The arm is sharply flexed. At 4 weeks, the 
flexion is already less sharp and there is some independent move- 
ment at the elbow and a greater degree of extension at the forearm. 
The arms also show more abduction and supination. 

At the younger age levels, a symmetrical attitude is not 
characteristically maintained except during periods of relaxation 
or sleep, when the arms at either side of the head rest semiflexed 
with the hands loosely closed, palms turned up. This relaxed 
attitude is frequently seen when the child is asleep and also just 
before he goes to sleep or while he is waking. Under these condi- 
tions, the head may be in the side position without inducing the 
tonic neck reflex attitude in the arms. The symmetrical attitude 
with the hands in the cephalic position is again seen with frequency 
at 16 weeks (29 per cent) and at 24 weeks (28 per cent). At 20 weeks 
the infant is characteristically active. He extends both arms up- 
ward into the air or outward in the lateral direction (40 per cent) ; 
and, in 35 per cent of the infants, the arms were predominantly in 
full extension. At 24 weeks the infant shows some preference for 
the cephalic position; he extends the arms less frequently and also 
brings them less frequently to the mid plane. During extension 
the arms are out or down at the side. The general behavior picture 
is more relaxed. This tendency toward symmetrical activity 
displays itself also in prehensory situations. The child makes a 
simultaneous approach upon an object and often attains it by a 
closing-in or corralling action. 

At 28 weeks the infant is again more active; extension comes 
into greater prominence; the arms show a tendency to reach 
footward as well as upward. At 20 weeks, the hands may come 
occasionally to the thigh or abdomen. At 24 weeks the hands tend 
to touch the knee sometimes and to snatch at or scratch the foot. 
At 28 weeks, foot seizure is still more common because both legs 
and arms show increased mobility. At 32 weeks, the arms are 



11 SUPINE BEHAVIOR 57 

characteristically extended down at the side. Broadly speaking it 
may be said that the arms are predominantly flexed prior to the 
16 weeks age level and that thereafter they tend to become 
'predominantly extended. 

Associated with these changes in the posture and spontaneous 
activity of the arms are changes in eye-hand functions which 
express themselves in changes of prehensory approach and grasp. 
Once more the 4 weeks infant presents a pseudo-exception to 
the trends noted. The 4 weeks -old infant displays symmetrical 
arm activity in vertical windmill movements (38 per cent). These 
movements are rarely seen at subsequent ages except in moments 
of distress or of emotional disturbance and are often associated 
with crying. The windmill reaction characteristic of the 4 weeks 
infant consists of a succession of tremulous, jerky movements of 
both arms over the head down over the face and chest. Often the 
range of the occiput arm is somewhat less than that of the face 
arm, but the form of the pattern is similar and the movements 
tend to be crudely symmetrical. Even in the 4 weeks-old infant 
windmill movements are more pronounced during crying and 
fussing. 

Shoulders and arms are in general innervated before the hands. 
From 4 through 16 weeks it is highly characteristic for one or 
both hands to be predominantly closed. The latter age marks, a 
transition period, for at the next three age levels seven or eight 
children out of ten keep their hands predominantly open ready 
to grasp with increasing promptness any object which may come 
within their scope. The 4 weeks-old infant again presents a partial 
exception to the rule, for, although characteristically his hand 
remains fisted, it opens actively during the extensor activity of 
windmill movements. 

In the supine situation the infant does not have much oppor- 
tunity to grasp, but at 8, 12, and 16 weeks one-third or more of 
the infants finger or scratch their own bodies. "Pulling** at 
blanket or dress is frequently observed by mothers in infants 
12 weeks of age. At 16 and 20 weeks the hands often become active 
in mutual fingering (27 and 32 per cent). At 28 and at 32 weeks, 
it is common for the infant to grasp his own foot (28 and 35 per 
cent). With each age his ability to make an extensory thrust seems 
to increase. His arms become more rangy so that when his hands 
engage in mutual fingering at 20 weeks, they are more raised from 
the body than at .1.6 weeks. 



58 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 11 

Trunk Movements. It might seem logical to pass from arm 
movements to a discussion of leg movements. Actually, however, 
tlie "wave 5 ' of development travels from head to toes and, for 
genetic reasons, it is more logical to consider next the movements 
of the trunk. Although the legs are active throughout the course 
of development, the neuromotor organization of the trunk may 
be regarded as primary to that of the legs. 

The trunk movements are dependent upon the maturation of 
the central nervous system and associated changes in the axial 
musculature and gross topographic anatomy. At the earlier stages 
of development, the trunk tends to react as a whole, that is, as a 
barrel or cylinder. The 4 weeks-old infant has very meager in- 
nervational control of parts of the trunk. When the legs are flexed, 
his back becomes quite convex and when the back is thus rounded, 
the infant rolls because his back offers only a small supporting 
surface area. With activity, the center of gravity moves beyond 
this small contact area and the infant consequently rolls toward 
the side. This rolling is usually sudden and often startles the 
infant, sometimes into crying. Typically he rolls toward the side 
and, if the displacement is slight, he rolls back toward dorsal, 
and may oscillate again to the side. Very few infants held the side 
position when they attained it. These somewhat exceptional 
infants roll completely to the side and are with difficulty replaced 
in the flat supine position. 

After 4 weeks, the trunk becomes more relaxed and the back 
is less rounded. Rolling to the side is seen with rare frequency at 
6, 8, and 1 weeks. At 16 weeks and the subsequent age levels, 
from five to seven children out of ten roll to the side. The trunk 
gives increasing evidence of intrinsic mobility and differential 
control of parts and also increased correlations between the fore 
body and the hind body. At 16 weeks, the infant turns his head 
and shoulders to the side; the hind body follows and partially 
adjusts to this movement. 

The infant seems to enjoy activity and, when the examiner 
restores him to the supine position, the infant frequently resumes 
the side position of his own initiative. Infants may roll either to 
the right or to the left; or both to the right and to the left. Rolling 
or swinging of the pelvis is relatively frequent at 4 and 6 weeks 
and occurs in more than half of the children at 8 and 12 weeks of 
age. Thereafter as a specific item, it undergoes decline and almost 
reaches the vanishing point at 36 weeks. This is partly due to the 



11 SUPINE BEHAVIOR 59 

fact that rolling of the pelvis comes Into dynamic relation with 
other modes of activity like leg extension, and this coordination 
results in pivoting at 16, 20, and 24 weeks; in arching of the back 
(17 per cent at 24 weeks); and in bouncing of the hips (10 per cent 
at 24 weeks). 

The Legs. Flexion and outward rotation of the legs with the 
knees widely separated are highly characteristic of all ages from 
4 to 28 weeks. Although there is a tendency toward increasing 
flexion with outward rotation at the hips with age, there is also 
a trend toward increased extension both of legs and arms from 
16 weeks on. Up to that age more than brief extension of the legs 
on the platform was very rare. At 20 and 24 weeks somewhat 
prolonged leg extension (on the platform) becomes more common. 
At 28 and 32 weeks the legs are not only extended but lifted from 
the platform (54 per cent and 65 per cent). Backing of varied 
patterns* bilateral, unilateral, symmetric, or alternate, occurs at 
all ages, but is especially prominent at 8 and 12 weeks. At 28 weeks 
and still more at 32 weeks, kicking is a vigorous performance. 
Both legs participate and are brought against the platform with 
considerable force. 

Supine behavior patterns are not unrelated to patterns of 
postural behavior in associated fields. Although supine and prone 
behavior patterns lie at opposite poles, they must be genetically 
and dynamically brought into relationship. Indeed, the varied 
supine patterns of head, arms, trunk, and legs just summarized 
suggest a preliminary organization of equipment which is pre- 
requisite for progression in the prone position. It is significant 
that the infant's ability to roll to the prone position does not assert 
itself strongly until these preparatory stages of supine behavior 
have been traversed. Although many of the arm and leg postures 
apparently serve no practical end, they seem to be developmentally 
essential in the same manner that fetal coordinations forerun the 
neonatal. When arms and legs are brought into adequate functional 
cooperation with trunk movements, the infant accomplishes 
increasingly complex postural readjustments and orientations. 

At 24 weeks 62 per cent roll to the side but only 17 per cent 
of the infants rolled to the prone and attained a sitting position 
with little or no assistance. At 40 weeks, 68 per cent of the infants 
were able to attain the sitting position from supine without assist- 
ance. At that age either the infant rolls to the prone and pushes 
himself back to the sitting position or he rolls to the side aixd pushes 



60 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 11 

himself on his arm until he sits. Pivoting was not observed at 
6, 8, and 13 weeks, but occurs at every age level thereafter, most 
frequently at 16 weeks and at 20 weeks (29 per cent). If the legs 
extended when the pelvis was swung, pivoting resulted; but often 
the pelvis swung back to mid position before leg extension occurred 
and then no change in position followed. Leg activity produced 
headward progression in over one-third of the infants at 4, 6, and 
8 weeks; in one-half -at 12 weeks, and in two-fifths at 16 weeks. 
Thereafter such progression becomes infrequent. 

Perceptual as well as locomotor changes manifest themselves 
in the supine situation. At 4 weeks the regard of the infant is 
characteristically a vacant stare. The eyes may be directed toward 
a window or toward a wall, but focalization of the fixation is 
difficult to determine. Such vacant staring was noted in 59 per cent 
of the 4 weeks infant, in only 4 per cent at 6 weeks, and was not 
noted at any subsequent age level. Contrariwise, definite fixation 
was noted in 19 per cent at 4 weeks but in 88 per cent at 6 weeks. 
Thereafter definite fixation becomes universal. Staring in the 
direction of a window or wall undergoes steady decrease from 75 per 
cent at 4 weeks to 17 per cent at 16 weeks. At 4 weeks the infant, 
if anything, elects to stare at surroundings in preference to the 
examiner. From 6 weeks through 28 weeks, however, the examiner 
is frequently regarded and particularly so at 12 and at 16 weeks. 
But at 36 weeks the examiner suffers a new kind of disregard due 
to the infant's preoccupation with his own activities. 

The facial expression of the infant is usually impassive at 
4 weeks; at 6 weeks it is more alert; at 8 weeks it is still more 
attentive, and smiling is very frequently observed. The perceptual 
equipment has so far advanced that at 8 weeks as many as 15 per 
cent of the infants pay shallow, fleeting regard to their own hands. 
At 12 weeks at least one child in four regards his hand. 

The supine infant displays activity in several different members 
which function quasi-independently and also in correlation. 
However difficult to describe, none of the behavior can be char- 
acterized as truly random, although some forms of it appear to 
be more adaptive and teleological than others. Sometimes the 
activity in the supine situation seems to have an irrational aspect. 
At all age levels from 4 to 24 weeks, headward progression was 
observed in many children. This kind of propulsion would seem to 
have no rationale in the infant's developmental economy, but not 
infrequently one observes supine sliding used as a locomotor 



PRONE BEHAVIOR 



61 



technique on tiie nursery floor. If the Infant did not soon come 
Into full possession of new prone patterns of behavior, it Is possible 
that this would become a normal mode of locomotion which might 
even get social sanction. 

At 16 weeks of age, anticipations of prone behavior declare 
themselves in the supine situation. Later on, sitting propensities 
also assert themselves. For this reason much of the activity of the 
infant in the supine situation wears the guise of an effort to escape 
from this very posture. Only at the earliest age levels does he seem 
to accept the position with complacence; he expresses himself at 
first in throaty vocalizations and later in cooing, gurgles, bubbles, 
and chuckles. 

i. PRONE BEHAVIOR 

(4 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 





' " ' ' ' '' .Jl_ 

FIG. 12. Prone behavior: 4 weeks and 52 weeks. 



The examiner held the Infant in ventral suspension and then 
slowly lowered him to the prone position, adjusting the infant's 
arms and, if necessary, the head in the process. The examiner then 
dangled. a lure in front of the infant to secure visual fixation and to 
induce head lifting. The same lure was then moved on the platform 
to elicit reaching and pivoting in clockwise and counterclockwise 

directions. 

At the older age levels, the infants were given an opportunity 
to reveal postural reorientation. from the prone to a sitting position 
and from a sitting to the prone position. The lure was again used to 
elicit crawling or creeping behavior and to induce rolling from 



62 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 12 

supine to prone position. If the Infant did not lift Ms head at the 
early age levels, the examiner gently rotated the head to mid 
position to induce lifting. 

Stimulus Factors 

Stimulus factors operate in the prone position in the same 
complex manner that they operate in the supine situation. The 
embarrassment of free vision adds further complication. Prone 
behavior is of interest chiefly as postural and locomotor behavior. 
For the 4 weeks-old infant the prone situation is almost an un- 
natural one. Even when he is held in ventral suspension with ample 
support under the mid trunk, his whole physique sags and droops 
in a hapless manner which suggests that his neuromuscular system 
is far from prepared for such postural exigencies. 

When the 4 weeks-old infant is placed prone on the platform 
the tactile stimulus factors assume importance. His weight im- 
pinges on his knees, stomach, chest, and face. Apparently it is 
the facial stimulus which is most effective and his chief response 
is rotation of the head. At later ages, when his head is lifted 
the tactile stimulus factors are more confined to his trunk and 
extremities. By the age of 12 and 16 weeks he accepts the prone 
position with equanimity, for he has improved command of his 
head posture. At subsequent ages he may take more or less active 
satisfaction in the bodily locomotor activity which the prone 
situation makes possible. Individual and even temperamental 
differences apparently play a role in determining the amount of 
satisfaction which a child takes in the prone position. Some 
children are consistently intolerant of the position and escape 
either by vigorous crying protest or by bodily struggle. Not 
infrequently mothers report negative behavior of this kind. 
Home experiences and conditioning factors may be responsible 
for some of these cases. Some mothers deny floor opportunity to 
the infant and it is possible that some of the infants who are re- 
ported not to creep may never have had full opportunity to do so. 
The patterns of prone behavior are chiefly influenced by the 
maturity of the neuromuscular system, though some allowance must 
be made for emotional and personal factors. The normative data 
show unmistakable trends in the basic maturational processes. The 
gravitational center of the infant's stance shifts its position in a 
consistent manner which reveals the presence of potent growth laws. 



12 PRONE BEHAVIOR 6S 

Locomotion consists in a rhythmic alternation or succession of 
postural changes. This zigzag in attitudes leads to forward or 
backward propulsion. It also enables a creature to extricate itself 
from threatening entanglements in which it has been caught. 
Zigzagging push and pull is an important escape mechanism. It 
is foreshadowed in certain diagonal reflexes of the human fetus. 
It is somewhat erroneous to say that the infant is under the spell of 
a general locomotor drive which propels him forward, because at 
certain ages his behavior results in circular motion and even in 
retrogression. At 40 weeks of age more than one child in four in 
the prone position regressed rather than progressed. Effective 
forward locomotion depends upon an effective correlation of 
postural attitudes assisted by both internal and external stimulat- 
ing factors. The changing postural attitudes of the prone infant 
are chiefly symptoms of the stage of organization of his neuro- 
muscular system. To what extent these changes are also condi- 
tioned by topographic relationships in his skeletal system is a 
problem which needs further study. It is quite possible that the 
activities themselves have some molding, regulative effect upon 
these anatomical changes. 

Behavior Trends 

Here, as in the discussiqn of supine behavior, it is advisable to 
treat in turn four anatomical subdivisions and, following the law of 
developmental progression, we shall proceed from head and arms 
to trunk and legs. It will be difficult to keep these subdivisions 
separate because in prone behavior, even more obviously than in 
supine behavior, the organism reacts as a unit; each member ad- 
justs in relation to another. 

The Head. In ventral suspension as well as in Ml placement 
upon a horizontal surface, the head tends to assume a char- 
acteristic attitude in response to gravitation forces. One infant in 
five at the age of 4 weeks shows some degree of head compensation 
during ventral suspension. The completeness and duration of this 
reaction increase steadily with age. Not until the age of .16 weeks 
do all of the children show well-defined head compensation during 
ventral suspension. At the moment of placement on the horizontal 
platform* about half of the children at 4 weeks react with head 
rotation. Such head rotation was observed in only 9 per cent of. 
the children at 16 weeks. It may be. interpreted as a protective or 
escape response. Even under conditions of modern life it probably 



64 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



has some survival value in preventing, imminent suffocation. When 
the infant is 8 weeks old, raising the head slightly is the preferred 
reaction; 56 per cent of infants at that age hold the head for a 

SITUATION: PRONE (Pr) 



Pr 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
SI 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
7 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 


(Ventral suspension) Head compensates 
(Placement) Head rotates 


19 
53 

47 
63 
23 
88 
47 
3 

3 
100 
7 

31 

6 
94 
100 

3 
19 

44 

6 
3 
92 

8 

8 



6 
6 

84 

13 

13 




69 

52 
48 
75 
39 
100 
86 
10 

14 
100 
100 

16 

34 
82 
82 

24 
24 
69 

24 

73 

24 
4 
4 



7 
7 
3 
79 

13 
3 

17 

3 


67 

44 
56 
57 
54 
89 
79 
14 

36 
100 
60 
4 
21 

21 
71 
85 
46 
11 
50 

57 


50 

46 
21 
11 



4 

4 
64 

46 


4 

4 


80 

12 
88 
25 
71 
100 
81 
46 

48 
100 
50 
8 
8 

20 
15 
69 
57 
23 
85 

67 

4 
10 
53 

26 
10 



8 
8 

19 

24 


4 




100 

9 
89 
25 
73 

too 

93 

54 

68 
88 
26 
16 
57 
8 
13 
8 
29 
37 
53 
74 
54 
82 
16 
14 
19 
70 
7 
4 
4 

13 
10 
4 
13 

19 
4 
2 

4 


87 
19 
83 
100 
87 
81 
23 
72 
83 
35 
50 

12 
54 


17 
28 
66 
75 
41 
72 
32 
5 

62 

38 
13 
13 
9 


9 
17 
3 

20 
3 


17 


97 
82 

97 
97 

28 
86 
65 
8 
74 

26 
20 

32 
52 
68 
45 
35 
65 

39 
16 
52 

6 

7 

40 
19 
21 
6 
83 
33 



21 


96 
87 

96 
90 
61 
81 
67 

56 

36 
11 


58 
55 

20 

24 
67 

42 
23 
71 
38 

7 

30 
14 
11 
8 

23 
34 


11 


100 

100 
100 
69 
96 

14 

80 

21 

24 
45 
41 
7 
93 

10 
17 
62 

28 
17 
10 
29 
4 
25 

35 
60 

3 
17 

17 

27 
6 


100 
100 

10 

90 

23 

7 
30 
40 
33 
4 
96 

7 
7 
73 
48 
S3 
3 
35 
3 
37 

37 
70 

7 
17 
3 
17 
30 
3 


100 

20 

7 

3 

It) 

m 

10 
4 
96 

7 

60 

32 
43 
3 

3 
16 

23 

57 
77 

88 
40 
17 
SO 
57 
30 


7 

7 
7 

100 

11 

41 
38 
63 

6 
14 
4 
14 

59 
95 

54 
7 
46 
68 
57 


4 
4 

4 

35 

15 
73 

15 



77 
96 

81 
13 
65 
83 
83 


3 
3 

3 
33 

77 

18 

83 
97 

87 

;* 

80 
94 
94 


40 

80 

7 

87 

100 

80 
83 


(Placement) Head in mid position 


Lifts head momentarily 
Holds head lifted sustainedly 


Lifts head to Zone 1 ... ... 


Lifts head to Zone 2 


Lifts head to Zone 3 


Lifts head to Zone 4 


Raises upper chest 


Arms flexed. 


Arms flexed, close to chest . 


Arms extended. , 


Lifts hand 


Lifts arm and hand. . . .... 


Scratches platform 


Legs flexed and adducted (Kneels) 


Hips raised 


Legs flexed, outwardly rotated. 


Legs flexed only at knees . . 


Legs extended or semiextended 


Legs extended , 


Rests on forearms 


Rests on hands 


Rests only on knees, abdomen, chest, head. 
Rests only on knees, abd., chest, forearms. . 
Rests only on thighs, abd., chest, forearms . 
Rests only momentarily on abd. and chest. 
Rests only on thigh, abd,, chest, hands 
Rests only on thighs, lower abd., hands. . . . 
Assumes creeping position. 


Assumes quadrupedal position 


Rolls to side or supine. . ... 


Rolls to side only 


Rolls to supine 


Flexes legs in crawling movements 


Flexes leg drawing up knee 


Pivots 


Regresses 


Progresses 


Crawls 


Creeps . . 


Attains supine or sitting 


Pushes upward and backward to sitting 



brief period lifted in the mid position. This percentage rises 
steadily until at 4 weeks and thereafter virtually all of the infants 
hold the head lifted more or less sustainedly in the mid position. 
Momentary head lifting is characteristic of the 4, 6, and 8 weeks 
age levels. Eight weeks may be regarded as the transitional age 



12 PRONE BEHAVIOR 65 

level because at that age over half of the children also exhibit 
sustained head lifting in addition to momentary head lifting. 
Energy and fatigue factors of course affect this response but here 
as in many other behavior patterns the most important factor 
is the maturity of the neuromuscular equipment. Incidentally 
it is by no means a simple practical or theoretical matter to 
draw a sharp distinction between fatigue and immaturity. For 
example, when the tender, 4 weeks-old infant for a brief moment 
lifts his head a few degrees during the short journey of ventral 
suspension, is his failure to erect his head more sustainedly due to 
physiological fatigue or to neurological incompleteness ? 

Head behavior is a key to the total patterning of prone be- 
havior. When all the attendant conditions are normal and typical, 
it is possible to make an inferential reconstruction of the general 
postural behavior picture from a profile of the head station. Careful 
plotting of the alignment of the head at advancing age levels would 
reveal significant development trends. At the age of 4 weeks 
88 per cent of the children lift the head to Zone 1; that is, the chin 
barely clears the platform. At 6 weeks an equal number of the 
children lift their heads to Zone 2, an inch or more above the 
platform. This ability becomes well-nigh universal by 16 weeks. 
At that age also over half of the infants lift the head to Zone 3, 
in which attitude the plane of the countenance is almost per- 
pendicular to the platform. This ability becomes almost universal 
at 4 weeks. At 8 weeks 61 per cent of the children, and at 36 
weeks 100 per cent of the children, rear the head to Zone 4. At 
this age level the plane of the countenance, because of head re- 
traction, may make an obtuse angle with the horizontal plane of 
the platform. 

Closely associated with these head movements are alterations 
in the postural control and attitudes of chest, arms, hands, and 
more secondarily of hips and legs and feet. The influence of head 
behavior upon, the total reaction picture suggests very strongly 
that growth is a process of progressive consolidation and individua- 
tion rather than a linking of discrete behavior components. 

The Arms. In ventral suspension the arms of the 4 weeks-old 
infant sometimes droop as haplessly as his head, perhaps even 
more so since we have already noted an occasional infant who 
raises his head a bit during ventral translation through space. But 
at the age of 6 weeks the arms and legs, as well as the head, par- 
ticipate in the ventral suspension response. As the child grows 



66 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 12 

older both the arms and the legs come into increased extension 
and assume attitudes anticipatory of those which will be dis- 
played when the infant lodges on the platform. 

For the ages from 4 to 12 weeks, the arms are flexed and held 
relatively close to the body when the infant is in prone position on 
the platform. At 8 and 12 weeks the upper arms are more or less 
passively lifted by the pull of back extension. Some of the weight 
of the body presses upon the forearms. It is probable that at these 
ages the upper arm and shoulder are sufficiently innervated to 
contribute at least a fraction of active support to the body. At 
16 weeks and later this innervation extends into the forearm. 
Even at 16 weeks the hands are occasionally seen to lift from the 
platform. At 20 weeks the child's arms definitely extend at the 
elbow and he may scratch the platform. The hands assume a more 
predominantly open attitude. Full extension of the arms occurs 
in nearly all children at 36 weeks and at subsequent age levels. 
At 28 weeks about one child in three was able to lift the arm and 
hand in response to a lure, maintaining partial balance during the 
lifting reaction. 

Concomitant with these changes in arm posture, there is a 
change in the relations of chest and abdomen to the platform. At 
16 weeks 82 per cent of the infants rest their forearms on the 
platform. It is difficult to infer the exact distribution of weight 
from mere inspection. Approximately two-thirds of the children 
at 12 weeks and almost three-fourths of the children at 20 weeks 
rest on the forearms. At 24 weeks, however, two-thirds of the 
children rest their weight on the hands this because the arms are 
now characteristically in full extension. At 32 weeks 93 per cent 
of the children, and at 44 weeks 100 per cent of the children, rest 
the body weight on the hands. The significance of these per- 
centages is revealed in changing postural attitudes of the trunk 
which will be next considered. 

The Trunk. As already suggested, the postural attitude of 
any portion of the infant's physique tends to involve or influence 
the total body stance. Accordingly, the changes described for 
movements and attitudes of head and arms are reflected in changes 
in the region of the trunk. When the 4 weeks-old infant is placed 
in the prone position, the pelvis is elevated, the knees are close 
to each other, and the child quite involuntarily approximates a 
devout attitude of prayer. The main axis of the trunk slopes 
downward toward the head. At 6 weeks and at 8 weeks this main 



12 PRONE BEHAVIOR 67 

axis of the trunk lies nearly parallel to the platform. From 12 weeks 
to 3 weeks the trunk shows a concave arching due to the progres- 
sive erection of the head and upper chest. At later age levels, 
during both pivoting and creeping, the main axis of the infant's 
trunk tends to remain parallel to the platform. Even in the quad- 
rupedal attitude, resting on palms and soles, he adjusts the flexion 
at the knees so that he will not pitch forward during the progres- 
sion. At the earliest age levels, the trunk tends to react as a unit 
(one might say as a barrel) but as the child grows older, the pelvis 
and the upper trunk show a more autonomous mobility which 
displays itself in pivoting, creeping, and other postural readjust- 
ments. In ordinary language we say that the child becomes more 
agile. This agility is an expression not so much of increased expert- 
ness as of an increased flexibility which neurologically is based 
upon individuation and differentiation of specific patterned 
abilities. 

In general, the fulcrum of prone activities shifts from head to 
foot as the child grows older. This shift is in some way related to 
the cephalocaudad principle of developmental organization. At 
the age of 36 weeks to 40 weeks the (normative) infant has slight 
control over his center of gravity, owing to limitations in his arm 
and leg attitudes. His arms and legs are active, but this activity 
results in a circular motion, or pivoting. The fulcral area remains 
in a middle position and the infant remains where he is. Locomo- 
tion still lies in the future. 

The Legs. At 4 and 8 weeks the legs are flexed at the hips and 
the knees, the knees resting on the platform. During this period, 
ineffective crawling movements are observed. Crawling may be 
distinguished from creeping. In crawling, the infant's abdomen 
contacts the platform. In creeping, his abdomen is lifted above 
the platform and he rests on feet, hands, and knees. At 1% weeks, 
although the legs are sometimes flexed at the hips and knees, they 
assume an attitude of pronounced outward rotation. The pelvis 
lies closer to the platform. The infant maintains a frog-like at- 
titude. At 16 weeks the legs are extended at the hips and flexed at 
the knees, the feet being frequently raised from the platform. 
This attitude is common through 28 weeks. 

Only rarely does the infant approximate a creeping position 
prior to 36 weeks. Thereafter an increasing number assume this 
position. At 44 weeks 63 per cent of the children assumed a well- 
defined creeping position, and 26 per cent assumed a quadrupeda. 



68 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 12 

position. There are many variations of the details in the stances 
assumed. In, the fully defined quadrupedal position, the infant 
rests on all fours with hands and feet in full plantigrade relation 
to the platform. This does not mean, however, that in actual loco- 
motion this attitude will be maintained, for different children use 
varied techniques at different ages and also within a short space of 
time at any one given age. They bring a forearm, hand, knee, and 
foot into diverse unilateral and bilateral relationship with the 
platform. An infant may creep on hands and feet, on hands and 
knees, or on hands and knee and foot, etc. 

Nature not only abhors a vacuum, but also abhors stationari- 
ness in the infant. Even though he may have no well-defined 
directional sense or destination, he tends to expend his bodily 
energy so that he will get into new orientation with his environ- 
ment. Only toward the end of the first year of life does he creep 
forward in a well-defined and purposeful manner. The stages by 
which he reaches this performance may now be rapidly reviewed. 

The 4, 6, and 8 weeks-old infant rests predominantly on knees, 
abdomen, chest, and head. At 12 weeks the head is slightly raised 
and the forearms come into play to contribute a supporting base. 
At 16 weeks the infant raises the upper chest as well, rears his 
head to a vertical position, extends the hips, and brings the thighs 
into contact with the platform so that he rests on thighs, abdomen, 
lower chest, and forearms. This position remains characteristic 
until 24 weeks when the child extends the arms and rests on hands, 
thighs, abdomen, and lower chest. At 20 weeks the back is usually 
arched in such a way that the weight is sustained more or less 
evenly by arms, legs, abdomen, and chest. At 24 weeks, if the 
child attempts to rest on his hands, he readily loses his balance 
and rolls to the side. At 28 weeks he has. acquired better lateral 
equilibrium. He may even lift his hand toward a lure, but he 
cannot pivot toward it. At 32 weeks he can pivot about on his 
abdomen, both clockwise and counterclockwise, to secure the lure. 
At 36 weeks he pushes upward and backward on his arms in an 
aborted effort to advance; instead, he often rolls to the side. At 
40 weeks he maintains better balance, but he is almost as likely to 
regress as to progress when he becomes active. However, if he 
wishes, he can escape from the prone position either by rolling to 
the supine position or by pushing himself to a sedentary position. 
At 44 weeks he pushes back with his hands, draws up his knees, 
and assumes a creeping posture. He manages to propel himself 



18 



STAIR CLIMBING BEHAVIOR 



69 



forward, although his creeping technique may not be well es- 
tablished until the age of 48 weeks or later. At 48 weeks, two- 
thirds of all of the infants of the normative group crept forward 
on the platform of the crib. 

13. STAIR CLIMBING BEHAVIOR 

(40 weeks 56 weeks) 

The Situation 




* 



^ 
1 




FIG. 13. Stair climbing behavior: 40 weeks and 56 weeks. 

With the movable staircase in position, the examiner lifted the 
infant and placed his feet in front of the first tread. The child was 
permitted to bend forward and to rest his hands on the second 
tread. Lending support when necessary, and occasionally holding 
the child's foot after it was planted on a tread, the examiner 
placed a lure of bells, rattle, or ring on an advanced tread to 
induce climbing. 

Stimulus Factors 

Climbing up the experimental staircase onto the platform 
of the crib presents a problem intermediate between creeping 
and walking. The stimulus factors in this intermediate situation 
comprise elements which are common to both creeping and walking 
but which are also distinctive. The staircase is both an obstacle 
and an opportunity. As he confronts it for the first time at 40 
weeks, what can the infant do? The examiner has placed him in 
a favorable stance, put his feet on the floor and his hands on the 
second tread, and has even placed a lure enticingly near on the 
tread above. Often the infant stays planted in his position, unable 



70 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



13 



to go forward, upward, or backward. Gravity, assisted by the 
extensor action of his extremities, keeps him almost immobile. 
He may lift his foot for a few inches, he may sway his pelvis, but 
he makes no further conquest of his environment. Sometimes 
he may cry out of his helplessness, or sink ingloriously to a sed- 
entary position. Or he may shift to a full creeping attitude on the 
floor and creep or cruise around the staircase, achieving a partial 
round-about solution even though he by no means scales the 
summit. 

When he attempts actually to climb, visual factors begin to 
play a directive role. If it is not too accessible, he reaches for the 
lure. The lure becomes more than a vague incitement. Its position 
determines the general direction in which he will exert his loco- 
motor drive. It serves to lift the line of effort upward, but it can 
do this only when intrinsic developmental forces have supplied 
the essential power to lift the feet. In other words, the incitement 
power of the visually perceived lure is limited and in a measure 
produced by the ripeness of the infant's motor abilities. Visual, 
tactilemotor, and kinesthetic factors thus come into closely 
interwoven and repercussive relationships. 

SITUATION: STAIRCASE (Stc) 



Sic 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 





24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


58 


56 


1 


Surmounts first tread 






















18 


tfl 


63 


74 


88 


9, 


Surmounts second tread. , 


























no 


74 


BIT 


R 


Surmounts third tread ... 


























81 


65 


77 


4 


Surmounts f ourtlh trewd , . 


























31 


SO 


53 


ft 


Reaches crib platform 


























81 


89 


53 





































Behavior Trends 

Climbing is not dependent upon specific previous practice. 
Not a few children in our normative group, to the amazement of 
their mothers, exhibited their first climbing on the experimental 
staircase. As early as 44 weeks one child in three surmounted the 
first tread. At 48 weeks this number was almost doubled and half 
the infants climbed the second tread as well. Two-thirds of the 
infants surmounted the third tread at the age of 1 year, and over 
half reached the crib platform at 56 weeks. 

The gradation in these percentages is almost as regular as that 
of the treads of the staircase, It suggests that the quantity as well 
as the pattern of activity is governed by maturity factors. Though 



13 STAIR CLIMBING BEHAVIOR 71 

lures could induce tlae performance, they did not determine the 
length of the performance. It does not follow that because a 
child can climb one tread, he can assuredly climb two treads, 
even though one tread seems no more difficult than another. In 
its nascent stage, the infant seems to be parsimonious with the 
display of a talent. It is only when the ability is well established 
that the infant displays it prodigally. When he has reached that 
stage he will not only climb the staircase once but he will do so 
repeatedly and with keen enjoyment if given the opportunity. 
Most of the infants in the normative group had not arrived at 
that stage at 56 weeks. Once more it is hard to draw a distinction 
between fatigue and immaturity. Is the apparent indifference to 
the second and third treads due to spent power (inadequate 
energy availability), or is the impulsion itself weak because the 
neuromotor foundation of the pattern is meager (inadequate 
structure) ? 

To what extent visual factors determine the infant's perform- 
ance constitutes an interesting speculative problem. He probably 
has no insightful visual perception of height and depth to regulate 
his climbing effort. He may envisage the lure as a goal and by 
sustained striving he reaches it because each tread becomes a 
platform for further effort. But he has no apprehension of the 
staircase as a construction or as an apparatus. He simply climbs 
it. It is not perception of the staircase which makes him climb. 
It is climbing which aids him to define and deepen the perception. 
Perhaps we have in this relationship a paradigm of the mechanism 
of higher orders of behavior, even those in the conceptual sphere 
of reasoning. 

The mechanics of stair climbing presents so many aspects of 
genetic interest that the subject would repay detailed analysis. 
At the most nascent level the infant merely lifts one heel. He does 
not even raise the whole foot from the floor. Later he lifts the foot 
to increasing height. Indeed in the immature phase he lifts it to 
lavish heights, which results in an amusing degree of overstepping. 
Interestingly enough even when he is able to lift his foot without 
making a forward thrust, or if he sets it plantigrade on the first 
tread, he may yet lack the ability to shift his weight to this foot 
to permit a corresponding elevation of the other foot. This failure 
is not due to lack of physical strength or to lack of command 
of balance but probably arises out of a certain inflexibility of 
his torso already noted in the prone situation. His trunk in the 



7 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 14 

present stance tends to behave as a partially immobilized cylinder. 
Even when he strains forward toward the lure he does it by reach- 
ing and by pulling his fore body forward by the force of his arms. 
His hind body can sustain weight but cannot exert aggressive 
leverage. Consequently he stays put. This is his predicament 
at 40 weeks. 

Eight weeks later he is in possession of a new flexibility which 
makes it possible for him to "zig" and to "zag." He swings his pelvis 
first left, then right, and with proper correlation he brings his 
arms and also his hind quarters into play. Thus by a modification 
of pivoting and of creeping patterns he makes an ascent. His 
technique is quadrupedal, a kind of clambering. He pulls with 
his fore extremities; he pushes with his hind extremities. Climbing 
is a variant of creeping at 48 weeks. 

Another 8 weeks later, at 56 weeks, he shows a palpable incre- 
ment of competency and assurance. Is this increment merely an 
augmentation or strengthening of the ability which he displayed 
at 48 weeks? There are similar components in his performance 
at these two age levels but there is a significant difference in 
pattern. This difference is not one of degree but one of kind. The 
arms play a much lesser role in the advanced performance. His 
technique is less quadrupedal and more bipedal. Climbing has 
become a variant of walking and looks more like ambulation than 
clambering. The infant is nearer to an erect posture. He comes 
closer to adult performance. Sometimes he even scales two treads 
with one alternating stride, without planting both feet on the first 
tread before taking the second. 

The patterns of descent constitute another story, one which we 
have not investigated in detail. The story is so distinctive that it 
cannot be explored by viewing a cinema of stair climbing in reverse. 
For, from the standpoint of behavior mechanisms, descent is not 
simply a reversal of the process of ascent. 

14. SITTING BEHAVIOR 

(4 weeks 52 weeks) 

The Situation 

The younger infants were placed athwart the crib in the supine 
position. The examiner confronted the child and, after establishing 
rapport, took hold of the -infant's hands and arms (as. described 
in detail elsewhere) and, exerting cautious, gradual traction, 



514 



SITTING BEHAVIOR 



pulled the child slowly to the sitting position. This maneuver 
was modified in accordance with the age and the motor capacities 
of the infant. Placing a hand on either side of the infant's chest, 
the examiner steadied the sitting infant for a moment of obser- 
vation. The examiner next rotated the position of the infant so 
that the infant's feet faced toward the foot of the crib. The ex- 
aminer then partially or completely withdrew his supporting 
hands to determine the possibility of momentary passive sitting. 
If the infant sat independently, the examiner retreated partially 
out of view and placed a lure on the platform at the left or right 
to induce clockwise or counterclockwise pivoting. 




FIG. 14. Silting behavior: 28 weeks and 36 weeks. 

Infants who showed adequate independent sitting control 
were permitted to sit on the platform of the crib during the course 
of the table-top situations later described. All infants .12 weeks of 
age or older without adequate independent sitting control were 
placed in the examining chair for all or part of the examination. 
This examination chair carried a broad canvas belt which was 
secured across the infant's chest and abdomen. The support of a 
special bandage which also encircled the trunk was used when 
necessary with the youngest infants to keep them for a brief period 
without sideward leaning in the examining chair. 

Stimulus Factors and General Considerations 

Sitting is a complicated form of behavior which man shares 
with humbler vertebrates but which he acquires by slow degrees 
and somewhat late in the cycle of growth. Developmentally, 
sitting is an intermediate, transitional phase between the supine 
and the upright posture, but it is Always, retained as an economical 



74 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 14 

substitute for standing. Although sitting is a natural ability, it 
is in its early stages highly dependent upon props and aids supplied 
by the infant's elders. To explore the normative development of 
sitting it therefore became necessary to make observations of 
the behavior under three different conditions, namely: (a) the 
child was raised to a sitting position by traction on his arms; 
(6) the child was placed on the platform (equivalent to the floor), 
the examiner's hands supplying or withholding support as needed; 
(c) the child was placed in a chair with the support of a transverse 
canvas belt. These three situations are so closely related that they 
will be considered together. 

What moves the infant to sit up? There is no simple answer. 
Here, as in so many fields of behavior, the relationships between 
stimulus and response are so intimately reciprocal that it is almost 
impossible to distinguish between cause and effect. From a genetic 
standpoint, sitting is not a simple, well-defined ability, but is the 
cumulative, integrated end result of a long developmental process 
which traces back to the fetal period. Although the fetus does not 
in any sense ever assume the sitting posture, his postural mechan- 
isms and the associated labyrinth reflexes undergo a basic organi- 
zation which is essential to the matured sitting response.* The 
fetus is in a fluid medium and suffers changes of position to which 
he is in a measure actively responsive. The neonate likewise makes 
a slight degree of active postural response to handling. He does 
not remain completely passive to the numerous manipulations 
which arise out of infant care. He doubtless experiences in some 
way sensations of translation or change of position and surprisingly 
early he reacts positively to being held in a sitting position in the 
lap. If external signs are not altogether deceptive, he enjoys at 
8 weeks an experience something in the nature of a thrill in con- 
nection with his early sedentary orientations. To what extent 
such pleasurable reaction is due to distance receptors or to kines- 
thetic ones, we can only speculate. 

At 16 and at 20 weeks of age, the supine infant not infrequently 
lifts his head. This bit of behavior simulates trying to sit up, but it 
must be interpreted with caution. The impulse may arise chiefly 
out of an individuation process and may not mean that the 
infant is seeking either new perceptual experiences or an upright 
posture. However, such head activity is at least an early herald 
of sitting ability and when somewhat later the shoulders as well 
as the head lift, the behavior seems to be more clearly a develop- 



14 - SITTING BEHAVIOR 75 

mental component of sitting. The head takes a developmental 
lead in the attainment of sitting, but there are exceptional in- 
stances in which the torsal control seems more advanced than 
head control. 

The pulled-to-sitting situation tested the elementary aspects 
of the infant's sitting behavior. Our purpose was to determine the 
most rudimentary postural reactions, taking great care not to 
impose upon the child's capacities. The procedures in this situation 
must be followed with extreme caution, particularly when head 
control is immature and when the arms make no flexor response 
to the pull. Stimulus factors vary greatly. The response of the 
young infant is heightened by a slight, preliminary, tentative 
traction on the arms before his full weight is pulled up. The 
reactions are also heightened by establishing social rapport. 
Indeed the situation was utilized as a basis for observing the 
social responsiveness of the infant. It is noteworthy that person- 
ality factors affect even the character and completeness of a 
"simple" postural response in a very young infant. The general 
tonicity of the muscular system likewise exerted an important 
influence. In some cases when the infant is of the extensor type, 
a pull on his arms may stimulate extension to such a degree that 
he does not flex at the hips. He extends his legs and remains 
immobile at the pelvis so that, as he is pulled, he either slides along 
the platform or is reared to a standing position. As the child is 
pulled upward and forward, gravity pulls him downward and this 
becomes a further stimulus for active tension. 

In the passive, induced sitting position, the infant at certain 
stages leaned forward with hands on the platform. The stimulus 
factors which operate in this position include the pressure stimula- 
tion from the platform, the pressure and kinesthetic stimulation 
derived from the weight on his own arms and hands, the enlarged 
perceptual horizon, and the sense of balance. The sense of im- 
balance was not permitted to reach the level of fear. Some infants 
were more compliant to postural manipulation than others. 

When an infant is placed in a chair which snugly conforms to 
his back and buttocks, the pattern of stimulus factors takes on 
important changes. If he does not experience too much nostalgia 
from his isolation in the chair, he is likely to have a heightened 
sense of security from the snugness of the back and seat, and also 
from the belt applied across or around his trunk. 



76 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 14 

Infants as young as 12 weeks were placed in the adjustable, 
canvas-back, morris chair as a standard part of the normative 
examination. This is a tender age for any kind of sitting, but the 
infant in this instance was firmly ensconced by a broad canvas 
band which encircled him at the diaphragm. With this degree of 
support, the 12 weeks infant not only tolerates but often positively 
enjoys the sitting situation for brief periods which may be length- 
ened to ten minutes, depending on his muscular vigor and ma- 
turity. As the infant grows older these periods increase until 
the age of 36 weeks when over half of the infants were able to sit 
alone without the aid of a chair throughout the required part of 
the examination. At 44, 48, and 52 weeks only one or two infants 
were placed in the chair. At 12 to 24 weeks all of the infants needed 
the chair; at 28 weeks about nine-tenths of them were placed in the 
chair. Thirty-two weeks marks the transitional period. At this 
age many infants could sit alone for part of the examination, but 
at this age balance is still precarious. An infant may maintain 
efficient independent balance for over 15 minutes and then, with- 
out warning, topple. Such sudden loss of control is characteristic 
of a certain maturity level and is also affected by personality 
factors. Vigilance on the part of the examiner is especially impor- 
tance in all observations of postural behavior. 

The effect of the chair on the sedentary control of the infant 
can be summarized in a brief paragraph. At 12 and weeks, three- 
fourths of the infants slumped to the side; at 28 weeks, less than 
one- third. Forward straining against the band occurred not 
infrequently at 20 and 24 weeks. At 16 weeks 33 per cent, and at 
24 weeks 100 per cent, held the head steady. At 16 weeks and at 
20 weeks head rotation is wanting or very restricted. At 28 weeks 
three-fourths of the infants maintain an erect body position and 
all of them rotate their heads freely. 

The stimulus factors of the chair, however, go beyond the 
field of posture. At the earlier age levels (12 to 24 weeks) there is 
an element of novelty in the chair situation which makes for 
heightened activity and heightened emotions. New perceptual 
horizons spread before the infant. We have been impressed by the 
vividness with which young infants react to chair placement and 
how competent they are to adopt a separate station outside the 
mother's lap. 

The major stimulus factors which operate in the development 
of sitting behavior patterns include the following: (a) "intrinsic,' 



14 



SITTING BEHAVIOR 



77 



maturational factors, (6) perceptual factors, (c) physiological 
factors like fatigue and illness, (d) personality characteristics. 
Of all these factors, the first mentioned are the most potent. 
Physiological and personality factors, however, have a marked 
influence upon the manner in which the sitting abilities are mani- 
fested and the prodigality with which they are displayed. The 
personality factor of caution Is important. Some infants are 
much more startled by insecure support than others. Some infants 
are so cautious that they greatly restrict their movements. The 
more audacious infants seem almost to be thrilled by losing balance 
and engage recklessly in postural activity. 

Behavior Trends 

The growth of sitting behavior patterns shows a marked tend- 
ency to follow the law of developmental progression. These 
patterns bring into successive prominence head, arms, trunk, and 
legs. It will, therefore, again be convenient to sketch in turn the 
developmental sequences characteristic of each of these anatomical 
regions. It is, of course, understood that this progression does 
not proceed on an installment or linkage plan. To some degree 
the total physique of the child is always involved in his reactions 
at each and every age level. However, it can be readily shown that 
the process of developmental individuation goes from head to foot. 

The Head. The reactions of the head constitute the most 
important item of observation in the pulled-to-sitting situation. 
In the great majority of infants (84 to 72 per cent) from 4 to 10 
weeks of age, the head lags to some degree. At weeks one-third, 
and at 8 weeks only one-tenth, of the infants showed any head lag. 

SITUATION: PULLED TO SITTING (SiP) 



SiP 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 





24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


I 


Head lags . . . . . . . . 


84 


76 


8ft 


m 


72 


85 


15 


10 
















2 


Head lags completely . 


,?} 


9$ 


14 


8 




























3 


Head lugs completely or markedly 


}} 


I* 


(rfi 


97 


'ft 


fi 






















4 


Head, lags markedly 


$ 


91 


$ 


19 


8 


f) 






















5 
6 


Head lags mod., slightly, or only initially. 
Head lags moderately or slightly 


41 
9 


31 
10 


36 
89, 


58 

' W 


64 

/if) 


32 
9 


15 



10 

















7 


Head lags initially only 


*r 


9,1 


4 


15 


9,fi 


W 


15 


10 
















8 
9 


Head compensates or lags only initially, . , 


47 
ifi 


tf 

94 


21 

18 


31 
15 


52 

9,8 


93 
70 


96 
81 


97 
87 
















10 




s 


17 


7 


10 


17 






















11 


Pulled with difficulty ... . . .. 






9,5 


M 


93 


9,1 


9.1 


18 
















12 


Pulled easily. 














27 


50 


57 


70 
















13 


Assists Examiner by pulling self forward, . 














8 


18 


42 


50 

















78 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



SITUATION: SITTING (Si) 



Si 


Behavior Items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52" 


56 


1 

2 

3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
SI 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 


Head sags 


74 

35 
16 
13 
3 

23 
92 











100 
67 

13 




















56 

37 
46 
15 
4 

11 
91 
$ 




4 





100 
77 
23 
10 

23 


















54 

14 
57 
32 

8 
21 
71 
29 




7 





100 
77 
36 
18 

86 


















12 

56 

36 
24 
12 
12 
57 
43 




36 
12 
12 



92 
81 
10 
15 

10 


12 
12 
















10 
41 
53 
12 
9 
13 
76 
25 



46 
11 
11 



80 
72 
4 
20 
94 
12 

7 
11 
11 
7 














16 
75 
56 

17 

50 

3 
5 

88 
28 
31 
3 


75 
64 
13 
3 
93 
16 

9 
31 
34 

w 

19 
6 












9 
91 
65 

8 

62 

30 
27 
3 
91 
/// 
56 
6 


84 
42 
50 
6 
74 
56 
3 
27 
47 
62 
44 
35 
18 












3 
100 
73 



79 
58 

36 
21 
94 
27 
64 
24 


69 
25 
49 
9 
69 
51 
22 
27 
58 
88 
& 
30 
36 













100 
82 



67 

27 
39 
100 
6 
39 
61 
21 
21 
58 
12 
40 
30 
55 
46 
45 
30 
49 
100 
S3 
6 
40 
9 
3 
21 
28 
6 








100 
86 



77 
6 
72 
100 


20 
80 
57 

46 
54 

23 
34 
11 
29 
49 
74 
40 
26 
100 
11 
3 
80 
26 
11 
29 
20 
6 
9 
11 
3 





100 
94 



88 

88 
100 


100 
80 
66 

23 

17 
14 

17 
86 
20 
8 
100 


94 
74 

40 
52 

28 
29 
28 
19 
3 
8 




100 
100 



97 

100 


100 
97 
97 

20 

3 
13 

3 
80 
3 




100 
67 

4G 
57 

71 
53 

36 

4$ 

21 
24 




100 
100 



94 

100 


100 
91 
85 

6 


6 


80 




91 
76 
65 
59 
65 
53 
62 
54 
16 
19 




100 
100 



100 

100 


100 
95 
93 







83 




100 
66 
58 
69 
67 
59 
73 
67 
27 
29 




100 
100 



96 

100 


100 
100 
100 




4 


64 




100 
76 
60 
56 
93 
40 
85 
70 
45 
62 


Head only momentarily erect 


Head bobbingly erect . . 


Head set forward 


Head steadily erect 


Head erect when leans forward 


Back rounded uniformly 


Back lumbar curvature 


Body erect supported 


Body erect 


Body erect moment or less than minute. . . - 
Body erect one minute or more 


Sits with slight or no sup. (mom. or" better) 
Sits only momentarily leaning forward 
Sits only mom. or less than one minute 


Sits for ten minutes (approximately) 


Sits for indefinite period 


Falls 


Falls forward 


Falls sideward. 


Falls backward 


Leans forward passively 


Leans sideward 


Leans forward or sideward actively 


Sits unsteadily 


Sits leaning forward .... 


Sits unsupported . ... 


Uses hand for support .... . 


Grasps or plays with feet 


Erects self from leaning forward 


Turns to side and maintains balance. ... 


Pivots 


Attains prone. ... 


Attains sitting from prone. 


Attains creeping or quadrupedal position.. . 
Pulls to standing 


Lowers self 


Attains standing independently 


Attains standing independently Or) 



SITUATION: SITTING IN CHAIR (SiC) 



SiC 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


82 


$6 


40 


44 


48 


5 


50 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 


Placed in chair . 








100 



79 

10 



100 

33 

79 

14 
10 


100 
67 

16 
69 

SS 
28 


100 
100 
60 
57 

38 

47 


92 
100 
100 

31 
26 
72 


85 


46 


28 


7 


7 


4 




Head erect and steady 


Head turns freely. 


Body slumps to side. . 


Body leans forward 


Body erect 





14 SITTING BEHAVIOR 79 

At all ages, even at 4 and 6 weeks, there are a few infants who do 
not manifest head lag. These early exceptions may be due to a 
general hypertonicity or to a flexor tendency sufficiently strong to 
embrace the cervical musculature. Complete or marked head lag 
was noted in almost half of the infants at 4, 6, and 8 weeks. At 
12 weeks and at 16 weeks moderate, slight, or only initial head lag 
was the rule. As the child grows older, the head shows increasing 
power to compensate. The percentages for head compensation rise 
sharply from 28 per cent at 16 weeks to 70 per cent at weeks, 
to 87 per cent at 28 weeks. 

The degree of head postural control is further indicated by the 
head station and head mobility displayed when the infant, after 
being pulled forward, is given an opportunity to sit with and 
without support on the platform. At 4 and 6 weeks the head sags 
forward; at 8 and at 12 weeks it is held bobbingly erect. At 16 
weeks it is held more steady, but tends to be set forward. At 
20 weeks the head erects itself in a compensatory way even when 
the trunk leans forward; the head is more mobile; the neck is 
physically and functionally more prominent; the infant can retract 
the head and turn it to the side in the sitting position. At 24 weeks, 
under the stress of passive sitting (maintained by leaning forward 
and resting some weight on the hands), the head becomes some- 
what immobilized, but at 28 weeks the mobility and control 
return. 

Versatility of head movements steadily increases with age as 
the stability and mobility of the trunk are coordinately perfected. 
At 4 and at 6 weeks one-third of the infants held the head -erect 
for a moment. At 12 weeks all the children held the head erect more 
than momentarily. At 20 weeks no child held the head bobbingly 
unsteady. At 28 weeks all the children held the head steadily erect 
when the trunk was upright. At 44 weeks all the children held 
the head erect when the trunk leaned forward. 

The Arms. Changes in the reactions of the arms show a pro- 
gression comparable to those of the head. Even at 4 weeks the 
infant may contribute some slight tensing of the shoulder muscula- 
ture as he is pulled to the sitting position. This contribution and 
the cooperative tension of arms increase with age. At 12 weeks, 
when positive social rapport is established, the infant definitely 
responds with increased tension of the arms as he is pulled forward. 
At 16 weeks he not only participates but he may even anticipate 
with tension at the shoulders. At 20 weeks nearly all the infants 



80 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 14 

manifested obvious pleasure in the situation, and half of them were 
pulled up into position with ease. At 28 weeks 70 per cent of the 
children were pulled to the sitting position with ease and half of 
them assisted the examiner to a considerable degree by pulling 
themselves forward. Not until 40 weeks are 58 per cent of the 
infants able to assume the sitting stance from the supine position 
without some assistance from the examiner. 

The following tabulation outlines, somewhat schematically 
chiefly on the basis of cinema records, the behavior trends with 
respect to the attitudes and activity of the arms when the infant 
is in the sitting stance. It should be emphasized, however, that 
there are numerous individual variations which arise out of 
bodily and behavioral factors. 

From 4 to 8 weeks the arms are flexed and raised well above the platform. 

At 12 weeks the arms extend somewhat passively at the sides and may come 
to rest on the platform as the infant leans forward. 

At 16 weeks and at weeks the arms are more active. The infant flexes 
them or lifts them from the platform while he is supported. This new capacity is 
secondary to the more advanced head control. 

At weeks almost half of the infants place their hands on the platform 
or leg, as a more or less active response to leaning forward. 

At 4 weeks the arms are extended at the sides, but less passively. They 
rest on the platform and serve as props. They set wide apart. 

At 8 weeks the arms and hands continue to serve as props, but they are 
held closer together. The trunk tends to lose balance at this age in spite of the 
propping arms. 

At 3 weeks the arms come still closer together but trunk control is so ad- 
vanced that the child can elevate one arm while he props himself with the other. 

At' 36 weeks the arms are no longer needed as props and they are free to 
reach for lures. 

At subsequent age levels the range and versatility of arm movements are 
further augmented by the increased mobility of the trunk. 

The Trunk. Just as the body as a whole illustrates a cephalo- 
caudad trend of development, so the neuromotor organization 
of the trunk itself proceeds antero-posteriorly. At early ages the 
upper half of the trunk (the fore body) is more mobile and shows 
more tomis than the lower trunk. At 4 weeks the entire trunk is 
relatively flaccid. As already suggested there is a trace of shoulder 
response when traction is exerted but the back offers no resistance 
to the examiner's pull. Occasionally, especially at 4 weeks, the 
infant may suddenly extend the back. Under these conditions 
or when flexion at the hip is resisted, pulling to the sitting posture 
is '.difficult and sometimes impossible. In the induced sitting pos~ 



14 SITTING BEHAVIOR 81 

ture the infant is extremely flaccid. The head sags forward and the 
curvature of the back is continuous with the curvature of the 
cervix and cranium. This curvature is so uniform and continuous 
that it is reminiscent of the postural curvature which the infant 
maintains in utero. 

At 6 weeks the back is still rounded but there is more muscular 
tonus and reaction on handling of the child. There is a slight 
straightening of the upper thorax or cervical spine so that in the 
sitting position the fetal configuration is less pronounced. At 8 
and at 12 weeks the cervical spine is somewhat straighter and the 
head is held up, but the thoracic spine still shows curvature. At 
16 weeks the cervicothoracic spine is more nearly straight and 
the curvature is more restricted to the lumbar segments. This 
lumbar curvature, however, has also undergone some reduction 
and is not so pronounced as it was at the earlier age levels. 

The general trend of development in the conformation of the 
back is further indicated by the following percentages. In 92 
per cent of the infants at 4 weeks the back was uniformly rounded. 
Such rounding was observed in only 8 per cent of the children 
at 24 weeks and in no child at 28 weeks. Lumbar curvature was 
not observed at 4 weeks, and was noted in 43 per cent of the 
children at 12 weeks and in 76 per cent of the children at 16 weeks 
of age. With increasing age the trunk tends to assume a straight 
alignment so that at about 44 weeks lumbar kyphosis is disap- 
pearing to be ultimately replaced by a lumbar lordosis. 

These gross morphological changes are associated with develop- 
mental changes in behavior patterns. Indeed we may suppose that 
to a considerable extent the molding of the trunk of the infant is 
synchronized or identified with changes in the forms of the neuro- 
motor patterns. 

The trunk acquires independent control by the same slow 
developmental gradations which characterize the acquisition of 
head control. Independent head station, however, is attained long 
before independent trunk control. At 16 weeks the trunk was held 
erect by only one child in four even when the examiner offered 
sufficient support to prevent full loss of balance. At 28 weeks eight 
children, out of ten held the trunk erect under these conditions. 
At 32 weeks two-thirds of the children, and at 52 weeks all of the 
children, held the trunk erect. 

In the induced sitting position the trunk typically leans for- 
ward at the age of 24 weeks. The child is relatively helpless and 



m NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 14 

although he supports the trunk in this leaning position he manifests 
no further command over it. At 28 weeks the hands come closer 
together and the trunk does not lean forward to the same degree. 
The child now shows a slightly greater capacity to flex and extend 
the trunk, but he can not maintain lateral balance. At 32 weeks 
he may hold the trunk erect momentarily without support from 
his own hands or those of the examiner. The upper trunk at this 
age is definitely more mobile than the lower trunk. At 36 weeks 
the trunk control is so far advanced that three-fourths of the 
infants can actively lean forward or sideward. An equal number 
can erect themselves to an upright sitting position after leaning 
forward. Leaning at this age is an active inner vation whereas 
at 16 and at 20 weeks virtually all of the children lean forward in 
a purely passive manner. 

The capacity to twist or rotate the trunk is becoming better 
defined at 36 weeks. In this torsion the upper trunk is still the 
predominant component. At subsequent age levels the lower trunk 
assumes a larger share in the act of torsion and in other postural 
adjustment including pivoting. Pivoting, however, is dependent 
not only upon trunk mobility but also upon the coordinated 
assistance of the legs which are at this time gaining a greater 
independence and adopting new responsibilities. 

The Legs. From 4 to 20 weeks of age the legs of the infant are 
relatively passive. At the earliest age levels they flex in a reflexive 
manner when the child is pulled to the sitting position. At these 
ages the legs behave almost like flippers, the mobility being 
largely restricted to the upper segment of the leg. At 20 weeks the 
legs show a more defined independent mobility when the child is 
supported under the arms by the examiner. But when the child 
is in the passive sitting stance, the legs revert to their earlier 
helplessness. At 24 weeks outward rotation of the legs is conspicu- 
ous. The legs serve as passive stabilizers or outriggers. The hands, 
like the legs, spread wide apart to maintain this squatlike attitude. 
The configuration of the child takes on the aspect of a low, un- 
gainly pyramid with a very broad base. At subsequent age levels 
this pyramidal disposition of his anatomical mass alters; the 
apex of the pyramid becomes higher and the base contracts. But 
typically it is not until the age of 32 weeks that the infant assumes 
a truly active sitting stance. He is now able to innervate his legs 
actively, both the upper and the lower segments. He actively 
draws the legs out and flexes them at the knees. At 36 weeks the 



14 SITTING BEHAVIOR 83 

angle between the legs contracts and the sitting stance approxi- 
mates to that of the adult. 

When this stance and the correlated equilibrium have been 
attained, the legs assume new importance in the child's economy. 
He no longer needs his legs as outrigger props. He can use them to 
attain the prone position and to pivot about on the platform. 
Sometimes, especially at 36 weeks of age, he goes from sitting to 
prone by falling forward. At a later age he may go from prone to 
sitting by pushing upward and backward (30 per cent at 40 
weeks). Some of the normative infants were reported to hitch 
about in a sitting position on the floor rather than creep. Pivoting 
is accomplished in two ways: (a) by pushing with one heel; (6) by 
leaning on one hand and swinging one leg toward the hand and 
then alternately replacing hand and leg in this manner. 

At 44 weeks we witness a high degree of leg activity which is 
independent of sitting. Seventy-one per cent of the children at 
44 weeks and 93 per cent of the children at 56 weeks are able to 
attain the sitting position independently from the prone position 
due to the newly acquired effectuality of their legs. A similar 
number of children are able to attain the creeping or quadrupedal 
position from the sitting position. And at 48 weeks almost two- 
thirds are able to pull themselves to a standing position. At 
52 weeks an equal number lower themselves to the sitting position, 
having attained the standing. But only half of the children even 
at 56 weeks of age are able to attain the standing position inde- 
pendently, that is with no fulcrum but the floor. 

Thus while at the neonatal period the legs were in the nature 
of superfluous appendages, and while at 24 weeks they simply 
served as passive props, at 40 weeks they become active instru- 
ments for translocation and readjustment of posture. They 
cease to be appendages of the trunk; they become prime movers 
to reorient the trunk and to propel it both horizontally and ver- 
tically into new environmental fields. 

This review of the developmental progression of sitting be- 
havior reveals how interwoven are the numerous patterns of 
behavior and how closely related are postural, locomotor, and 
adaptive forms of behavior. By way of summary we may list the 
outstanding normative frequencies which indicate the emer- 
gence of both partial and integrated control in the field of sitting 
behavior. 



84 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 14 

Except for very rudimentary head and shoulder tensions, the 
4 weeks-old infant cannot be credited with, any obvious sitting 
abilities. Only one-third of the infants at 4 weeks of age hold the 
head erect even momentarily. At 1% weeks, however, over half 
of the infants hold the head bobbingly erect. At 20 weeks from 
two-thirds to three-fourths of the children hold the head steadily 
erect whether seated in the adjustable chair or on the platform 
between the supporting hands of the examiner. At 28 weeks the 
trunk as well as the head is held erect by the majority of infants. 
It is not held erect steadily, that is to say, for a minute or more, 
until the age of 36 weeks when approximately three-fourths of 
the children manifest this ability. Normatively, however, 32 weeks 
may be regarded as the age when the infant begins to sit independ- 
ently. Sixty-one per cent of the children in the normative group 
sat independently for a minute or more at 32 weeks; 80 per cent at 
36 weeks; and 100 per cent at 40 weeks. 

As the child grows older the ability to sit continuously for 
more prolonged periods increases. Even at 36 weeks the majority 
of the infants were able, with recurring unsteadiness, to sit for 
ten minutes or more. At 56 weeks about all the infants sat for an 
indefinitely prolonged period. 

Maintenance of balance is achieved slowly. Normative per- 
centages show very steady incrementations with respect to this 
aspect of sitting behavior. At 8 weeks 100 per cent of the infants, 
at 28 weeks 70 per cent, at 32 weeks 58 per cent, at 36 weeks 
53 per cent, of the children showed a tendency to fall or topple. 
This tendency was entirely absent at 52 weeks. It is significant, 
however, that although independent sitting ability has been at- 
tained at 32 and at 36 weeks, over half of the children at those 
ages show a definite tendency to imbalance. Under the conditions 
of the normative observations the predominant tendency up to 
24 weeks is to fall forward; though from 4 to 8 weeks an increasing 
proportion of the children fall sideward, probably due to extensor 
tendencies and leg activity. After 16 weeks an increasing number 
of children fall to the side. At 24 and at 28 weeks there is a still 
more marked tendency (50 per cent) to fall sideward; at these 
ages it will be recalled the trunk is seeking a more erect position. 
At 32 weeks there is a transient tendency (shown in 30 per cent of 
cases) to fall backward. 

To a considerable degree sitting behavior retains passive 
characteristics up to 32 weeks of age. At that age over half of the 



15 STANDING AND WALKING BEHAVIOR 85 

children lean forward passively. Developmentally the infant 
squats in a flaccid manner before he sits upright in an active 
manner. This squatting must be differentiated from active sitting. 
Our percentages show that passive sitting momentarily or better 
with slight or no support occurs in 36 per cent of the children as 
early as 12 weeks and in 88 per cent of the children as early as 
weeks. At 24 weeks 62 per cent and at 28 weeks 88 per cent of 
the infants sit without support in squat-like attitude. 

In this squatting, passive and active elements are combined. 
Accordingly from 42 per cent to 47 per cent of the infants from 
20 through 28 weeks of age use their hands for support in the sitting 
position. Full balance is not acquired until the age of 40 weeks 
when three-fourths of the children can turn to the side and still 
maintain their equilibrium. At that age only one-fifth of the 
children sat with imbalance. At 44 weeks no child manifested 
imbalance in the sitting position. The ability to sit, like so many 
other infant abilities, is built up by degrees and not with dramatic 
suddenness. 

15. STANDING AND WALKING BEHAVIOR 

(4 weeks-60 weeks) 

The Situation 




j? IG> i5. Standing behavior: 4 weeks and 44 weeks. 



Placing a hand on either side of the thorax, the examiner lifted 
the infant to a standing position and supported him with hands 
under the axillae. The infant confronted the examiner. The ex- 
aminer then gradually released this support, allowing the soles 
of the infant's feet to contact and then to press the platform. 



86 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 15 

If the infant supported his full weight, the examiner cautiously 
withdrew support to determine control of balance. For further 
determinations, the infant was permitted to seize the side rail with 
one hand. If the postural control was adequate, the child was 
permitted to grasp the rail with two hands. The examiner used a 
lure to elicit cruising either to right or to left. The same lure 
was used to determine the infant's capacity to lower himself from 
the standing to the sitting position. In the sitting position the 
examiner attempted to induce independent assumption of the 
erect posture. If the child stood effectively with support, the ex- 
aminer assisted him to release hold of the side rails, confronting 
him at the distant end of the crib and eliciting stepping or walking 
movements, lending support only so far as necessary. 

At the early ages, the examiner gently swayed the trunk 
to determine head compensation. 

Stimulus Factors 

Standing and walking, in many respects, constitute the most 
difficult postural problem of infancy. Many normal infants do not 
attain independent standing ability in the first year of life. It 
takes a full year to lay the basis for this achievement. In order 
to explore the full range of the developmental antecedents of 
standing this behavior situation was instituted at all age levels 
beginning with the fourth week. 

In quadrupedal animals the act of standing is somewhat simpler 
than it is in the human infant. Subcortical neural centers control 
the mechanisms of standing so completely that a decerebrated 
quadruped can maintain a standing position by the reflex action 
of its musculature. Similar mechanisms operate in man but the 
difficulties of equilibrium greatly complicate bipedal standing. 
The upright posture represents a comparatively late attainment in 
racial evolution and partly for this reason it comes late in the cycle 
of the infant's development. In his ontogenesis man has not 
completely short-circuited quadrupedal phases of posture and of 
locomotion. 

A comprehensive list of the stimulus factors which appear in 
the inception and control of standing and walking would include 
the following: (1) tactile impressions, arising chiefly in. the soles 
of the feet; (2) muscle, joint, and tendon impressions conveyed 
through the proprioceptors; (3) changes of position communicated 



15 STANDING AND WALKING BEHAVIOR 87 

through the otoliths of the semicircular canals; (4) changes in 
rate of body movement reported by the ampullae of these canals; 

(5) visual perception of supporting surfaces, of goals, and obstacles; 

(6) visual and auditory perception of lures; (7) imitative re- 
sponsiveness; (8) inner urges and drives; (9) tactile and visual 
perception of the examiner's supporting hands. 

It would, of course, be futile to attempt to assess the relative 
importance of these many factors. They vary with age as well as 
with individuality. They are further modified by physical condi- 
tions like fatigue and illness. Standing makes heavy demands 
upon the infant's energy. Retardation in standing associated with 
rickets is a protective factor. Some infants further protect them- 
selves with caution. Here temperamental differences as well as 
previous experiences with falls and bumps assert themselves. 
One infant may be overcautious; another may be reckless; al- 
though on the whole the infant shows a noteworthy tendency to 
temper his performances to his fundamental capacities and 
needs. 

Since the examiner was always at hand to lend support when 
necessary, no undue demands were made on the infant in placing 
him in a standing posture. At the earlier age levels, notably at 
16 and 20 weeks, the infants enjoyed the postural manipulation 
and showed positive pleasure in the supported standing situation. 
At 28 weeks only 9 per cent, and at 36 weeks only 12 per cent, of 
the children showed any protest or discomfort. At 32 weeks, 
however, 46 per cent expressed discomfort by brief fretting. This 
latter percentage is significant, for 32 weeks is a nascent period 
in which about one-half of the infants could not support their 
entire weight; whereas at 36 weeks 91 per cent were able to do so. 

Brief mention should be made of the young infants of extensor 
type who respond with marked extensor movements in the posture 
situations. There was at least one such infant at each of the age 
levels from 4 through 16 weeks. The extensor infant makes a 
fictitiously good showing in the standing situation and shows a 
neuromuscular predilection for .'" standing 9> as opposed to sitting. 

Early .sitting offers more thrill to the infant than does early 
standing. Sitting up in contrast to lying down brings with it new 
perceptual and social horizons, particularly when the infant sits 
in a high, chair or at table level where he can more nearly see his 
elders eye to eye. Mere standing does not bring with it an equally 
revolutionary reorientation and enrichment of visual impressions. 



88 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 15 

When, however, standing gives way to walking, the upright posture 
takes on new values, 

Whence comes the propensity to stand? In reply one may 
adduce inner urges or drives. But whence come the drives? Surely 
not from some occult force which wells up suddenly in some vague, 
instinctive manner. There comes a time when the infant seems to be 
under an impulsion to grasp the rail of his pen and to pull himself 
upright. This may look like a dramatic and even saltatory change 
in his behavior; but it is essentially the seasoned end product of a 
long process of ontogenetic patterning which now comes to a 
partial culmination in performance. But the developmental 
preparation proceeded by slow degrees. 

The normative percentages show an impressively steady and 
gradual incrementation with respect to the critical items: (a) 
Supports a fraction of weight (from 19 per cent at 4 weeks to 100 
per cent at 56 weeks); (&) Supports entire weight (from ^8 per cent 
at weeks to 100 per cent at 56 weeks). Standing and walking 
are the result of incrementations and progressive correlations of 
numerous contflbutive abilities which are finally integrated into 
one working system. From one point of view, the specific drives 
of the infant are the symptomatic consequence or correlate of the 
maturing of these abilities. There is no general drive to stand; 
there is a host of abilities, and the following summary will attempt 
to indicate how these abilities finally lead up to the consummation 
of standing. 

Behavior Trends 

Standing is for the infant a difficult neuromuscular feat; 
but its ontogenesis is in principle quite similar to that of prehen- 
sion or of poking. Standing is a complicated form of muscular 
motion which through the oscillation of checks and counter checks 
overcomes the pull of gravity. To a considerable degree the onto- 
genesis of standing has already been summarized in connection 
with sitting behavior; for sitting is an intermediate stage or 
halfway phase in the assumption of the upright posture. However, 
the procedures of the normative survey aimed to induce standing 
responses by suspending or placing the infant in a perpendicular 
position. Therefore his reactions to this orientation must be sepa- 
rately detailed for the full range of ages. As in the other posture 
situations, it is convenient, to formulate this summary by ana- 
tomical divisions from head to foot. 



S15 STANDING AND WALKING BEHAVIOR 89 



SITUATION: STANDING (St) 


St 
i 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
S 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
38 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


Head sags , 


73 

23 
30 
77 
23 
17 
12 
10 
3 
3 
56 
42 

100 
15 
77 
61 
19 
3 


10 

85 
92 

23 
23 


52 

16 
14 
55 
28 
21 
7 
21 
14 
14 
32 
54 
10 
90 
25 
62 
73 
38 
14 


3 

86 

77 

10 
10 

10 
10 


36 

7 
8 
44 
52 
32 
20 
44 
24 
47 
30 
52 
15 
81 
25 
41 
52 
53 
23 

4 
4 

86 
61 

26 
26 

41 

41 


4 
8 

4 
48 
17 
35 
78 
48 
41 
21 
64 
24 
66 
8 
43 
25 
50 
32 

8 
12 
8 
64 
61 

38 
38 

60 
60 

28 



5 


33 

S3 
95 
62 
75 
19 
59 
34 
70 
31 
32 
27 
61 
22 
4 
2 
27 
13 
36 
59 
29 
38 
38 


59 
59 



38 

100 

SO 


23 
66 
50 
69 

22 
28 

72 
53 

31 
28 
13 
3 

84 

5 

38 
32 
6 
6 
34 
21 
13 
22 
13 
100 

34 


7 
50 

31 
50 

22 
15 

72 
53 

41 

28 
19 


78 

S6 
28 
33 
9 
3 
41 
28 
13 
16 
13 
100 

ss 


9 

28 
31 
56 

22 
17 

78 
75 
53 

44 
19 
S 

81 

12 
31 
9 
22 
9 
31 
15 
16 
16 
25 
100 

6 
28 


8 
21 
14 
52 
37 
14 

83 
83 
76 
55 

17 
17 

62 

31 
3 

28 
7 
28 
18 
10 
14 
7 
97 

14 
14 

3 
3 

31 


22 
13 
53 

41 
3 

94 
94 
82 
91 

9 
18 

62 
50 

50 

31 
28 

28 
6 
9 
62 
34 
31 
25 

28 
3 
9 
9 
11 
16 

5 

24 


12 
15 
40 
33 


97 
97 
91 
94 
9 
24 

85 

18 
18 

40 

40 

12 
51 
64 

21 
51 

9 

49 

G 

28 
3 
19 

24 
6 
3 

15 


3 
3 
19 
32 
23 
3 

97 

94 
97 

3 
23 

87 

29 

29 
16 
52 

3 
48 
7 
19 
44 
45 
19 
58 
10 
56 
21 
36 
24 
42 
39 
16 
10 
3 
IS 



31 
13 

97 

97 
97 

SS 
97 
6 

6 
6 
69 

69 

19 
38 
22 
72 
22 
75 
16 
62 
19 
54 
72 
47 
31 
3 
13 



26 
23 

98 

98 
98 

2 
43 

96 

7 

7 
7 
81 

81 

2 
7 
31 
9 
80 
33 
74 
27 
73 
29 
67 
82 
63 
26 
26 
9 


4 

100 

100 
100 

22 
100 

88 
88 

4 
8 
12 
8 
44 
68 
76 
45 
85 
52 
70 
88 
80 
16 
44 


Head extends 


Head erect only momentarily. . . 


Head sags or erect only momentarily 
Head bobs or set forward 


Head bobbingly erect 


Head set forward , 


Head set forward or steadily erect 


Head steadily erect 


Head compensates when swayed 
Legs flexed, do not extend 


Legs extend briefly 


Legs extend recurrently 


Hips flex, legs flex or extend 


Hips flex, legs held extended 


Supports no weight 


Offers very slight resistance 


Supports a fraction of weight 
Supports a large fraction of weight 
Supports a large frac. of wt. more than mom. 


One foot engages the other 


Feet apart four inches or more 
Toes flex 


Feet rest with soles on platform 


Feet inverted 


Stands on toes 


Stands on toes, weight not supported 
Stands on toes weight supported 


Rises to toes, supporting weight 
Lifts foot 


Lifts foot without supporting entire weight. 
Lifts foot while supporting entire weight. . . 
Stepping movements not supporting weight 


I hfi standmsr 


(Hands supported) Balance inadequate 
Stands only when both hands are supported 
Stands holding side rail 


Stands independently (without support).. . . 
Attains st, with E's assistance or independ. 


Pulls to at. holding side rail or independently 
\ttains standing independently (T) 




C " 11* " u ort 


Walks using support 


Walks only when both hands supported. . . 
Walks independently 


Responds pleasantly to situation . . 





Note; St 43 and 45, at 44 weeks. Some children are placed standing and lower themselves though they do not 
pull themselves to standing. 

The Head. The reactions of the head in the standing situation 
are comparable to those which have been outlined for the sitting 
situation. The support of the examiner's hands under the axillae 
tended to make head station more stable in young infants. Al- 



90 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 15 

though the infant does not stand with or on his head, the head 
normally participates in the total reactions of trunk, arms, and 
legs and retains a regulative role both in the development and 
in the dynamics of standing. This role is partly accomplished 
through attitudinal reflexes which originate in the end organs of 
sight and of equilibrium. The attitudinal reflexes of body and 
extremities are responsive to changes in head attitudes. The 
reverse also is true. When the head attitudes are predominantly 
determined by the visual and static senses, the child at last is 
able to balance himself and to step forward. Not until the head 
is ready to assume this leading role in the total body control does 
he command the upright posture. To this extent, the infant 
stands and walks with his head! 

At 4 weeks the head sags forward; the chin rests on the chest. 
Head extension occasionally occurs. Such extension is momentary 
but well defined; and is more frequent at 4 weeks than at sub- 
sequent age levels. At 6 weeks the head still sags but to a lesser 
degree. It shows more prolonged tone, but wavers very readily 
both laterally and antero-posteriorly when the trunk is slightly 
swayed in these directions by the examiner. 

At 8 weeks the improved tonus shows itself in recurrent com- 
pensatory extensions to overcome sagging. There is not much 
tonicity at the neck. Consequently the head either sets forward 
and /or is held bobbingly erect. At 12 weeks crude head bobbing is 
less frequently seen. In a neurological sense the head still bobs, 
but so smoothly and subtly that 48 per cent of the infants are 
credited with holding the head steadily erect. Steadiness of the 
head and of the bodily frame is accomplished by a check and 
counter-check process essentially similar to bobbing. In one-third 
of the cases the head still sets forward both at 12 and at 16 weeks. 

Sixteen weeks again marks a transitional period in head control. 
At this age the neck rather than the shoulders supports the head; 
two-thirds of the infants hold the head steady and erect when the 
trunk is somewhat tilted. Head compensatory movements are more 
prompt and vigorous, and three-fourths of the Infants compensated 
to the swaying manipulations of the examiner. Put in more mecha- 
nistic terms, the head at 16 weeks has an enduring tonicity and 
static responsiveness which make it relatively resistant to quick 
changes in space. The head can stand but the infant cannot yet. 

At 20 weeks the head begins to display more freedom of move- 
ment. Then and at several succeeding age levels the infant rotates. 



15 STANDING AND WALKING BEHAVIOR 91 

flexes, and extends it with increasing facility when he is well sup- 
ported by the examiner's hands. But toward the end of the first 
year, while the infant is acquiring independent support, he again 
moves his head with more restraint and wariness. This, as already 
suggested, is due to the fact that the head is assuming a deter- 
mining role in his postural behavior. Through the visual-static 
receptors the head modulates and in a measure initiates the com- 
plex of attitudinal reflexes which result in standing and presently 
in walking. Therefore the infant clearly circumscribes his head 
activity during the early stages of standing and walking. Later, 
when he is more expert, the head will reassert freedom and facility 
of movement on a higher level of integration. 

The Arms. The arms play a definite though not conspicuous 
role in the development of standing and walking. Our observations 
were chiefly directed to the legs and to the infant's ability to 
sustain and to balance his body weight. But a few incidental find- 
ings based on the normative examinations and cinema records will 
serve to remind us that the arms are involved in the genetic pat- 
terning and in the ultimate mechanisms of standing and walking. 
At 4 and at 6 weeks the arms droop as flaccidly as the head. At 
8 weeks they exhibit more tone. At 12 weeks they flex and are 
drawn up toward the chest. At 16 weeks they show more range and 
independence of movement. Even during the standing situation 
we have seen an infant bring his hands together at the mid line 
and inspect them. It is noteworthy, however, that although this 
infant was supporting part of his weight in the standing position, 
he posturally collapsed (in the examiner's hands) as soon as he 
fixed his regard on his own hand. This means, of course, that 
the arms have by no means attained autonomy. Indeed, they 
always retain some share in the mechanism of standing and 
walking. 

At 28 weeks arms and legs show a tendency to function to- 
gether. Bouncing reactions and flexions at the pelvis, which often 
occur in the standing situation at this age, involve arm as well as 
leg activity. Even under the partial restraint of the examiner's 
hold upon the infant's chest, the infant tends to lift his arms when 
he flexes his legs or when he extends them. This is a kind of jump- 
ing-jack reaction, not at all surprising when the long phyletic 
association of the anterior and posterior extremities is recalled. 

Both phyletically and ontogenetically upright standing con- 
sists in the suppression of the supportive function of the arms and 



92 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 15 

an augmentation of that of the legs. We must not forget that even 
the human infant as a rule stands on all fours before he stands on 
his two feet. At 40 weeks 43 per cent, and at 44 weeks 63 per cent, 
of the infants assume a creeping or a quadrupedal position. One 
month later, at 48 weeks, an equal proportion of the infants (62 per 
cent) assume a bipedal position with and without the assistance 
of a physical support on which to pull and lean. In general it might 
be said that for a whole month the infant uses his arms on a par 
with his legs for standing. Thereafter he places the burden on his 
legs and uses his arms to steady the burden and to cruise. At 
44 weeks he cannot cruise because he cannot readjust his arms with 
foot lifting. He lifts his foot and puts it back again. 

Cruising is anticipatory walking. Or it is reminiscent creeping, 
for cruising is a quadrupedal form of progression in which the 
arms still serve their ancient locomotor function, but against a 
vertical rather than the horizontal plane. Not until the arms are 
completely released from this menial function does the infant 
truly walk. Even then the arms participate in the swings of his 
toddling and of his mature stride. These arm movements and 
posturings are reminders of man's quadrupedal estate; they are 
also physiological balancing components of bipedal locomotion. 

The Trunk. Reactions of the trunk in the standing situation 
are comparable to those which have been outlined for the sitting 
situation. To some extent, indeed, they are parallel, for sitting is 
an intermediate phase of standing from a mechanical and genetic 
point of view. The trunk, therefore, tends to react as if it were in 
the sitting station except that the partial suspension and pressure 
on the legs inevitably impose distinctive features on the patterns 
of response. Since the basic developmental changes in the trunk 
behavior have already been outlined, they will be only briefly 
indicated here. 

At 4 weeks the trunk is highly flaccid and tends to assume a 
fully rounded configuration. Even at 8 weeks the back comes only 
slightly and briefly into extension. At 12 weeks the more enduring 
muscular tone so essential to standing asserts itself. With advanc- 
ing age the trunk becomes more upright, manifesting persistent 
tonus in the upper segments earlier than in the lower segments. 
We have already indicated changes in the station of the head, 
which at first sits somewhat laxly on the shoulders and later 
becomes erect/This is due to changes in the spinal alignment and 
the spinal musculature. At 12 weeks the cervical spine is relatively 



15 STANDING AND WALKING BEHAVIOR 98 

straight; at 16 weeks the cervicothoracic spine Is also more nearly 
straight and the head rides more freely above the shoulders. 
Momentary erectness of the trunk in the standing situation is 
observed at 16 weeks, and more persistent erectness at SO weeks. 
At 28 weeks there is an occasional tendency to throw the trunk 
backward. At this age the child is able to erect his trunk from the 
leaning forward position with but slight assistance from the 
examiner. 

As in the sitting situation, so in the standing, the trunk begins 
to exhibit more mobility in the last quarter of the first year. The 
child shows a tendency to rotate the shoulders when supported 
by the hands in the standing position. This rotational mobility 
is brought into requisition at 44 weeks and at 48 weeks in connec- 
tion with cruising. At this age the mobility involves the lower as 
well as the upper trunk. 

The trunk musculature does not of course develop independ- 
ently of that of the lower extremities. However, one gains the 
impression that, prior to the attainment of standing, the legs 
and the trunk are incompletely coordinated. The child does not 
fail to stand alone for lack of strength but he fails because the 
trunk and leg musculature are not in organic functional rela- 
tionship. When they come into such relationship he is more firm 
and agile on his feet and he is ready to stand if the head, as already 
indicated, assumes the requisite regulative control. 

Standing, therefore, furnishes an excellent example of the 
unitary nature of the developmental organization. Analytically 
it is possible to discern more or less distinctive patterns in indi- 
vidual segments of the body. But these patterns are not discrete. 
Only when they are brought into highly correlated combination 
do they produce the intricate performance of standing. We can 
scarcely picture the complexity of this developmental organization. 
The problem is especially complicated by reason of the fact that 
almost at the same time that the child is acquiring his ability to 
stand, he is also passing through the quadrupedal cycle of behavior 
so that the trunk must come into functional relation not only with 
the vertical bipedal mechanisms of standing but also with the 
horizontal mechanisms of creeping. It is surprising that these 
two sets of patterns do not more obviously conflict in the actual 
behavior of the infant. 

The Legs and Feet. The legs show a fairly consistent tendency 
to straighten by extension at the knee throughout the gamut of 



94 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 15 

age levels. The 4 weeks-old infant makes only slight extensions 
at the hip and knee. At 4 weeks, however, over half of the infants 
flex the legs without extension. From 4 to 24 weeks all leg extension 
was relatively brief. The legs flex recurrently in half of the infants 
at 20 weeks of age and in a minority of the infants at all age levels 
from 6 to 44 weeks. Flexion at the hips with the legs either extended 
or flexed was universal at 4 weeks and shows a consistently decreas- 
ing trend to 26 per cent at 52 weeks of age. Sometimes the legs 
were also held in extended position in association with flexion at 
the hips. This item rose to a peak frequency of 41 per cent at 36 
weeks. These various postures of the legs arise from a diversity of 
stimulus factors, and some of the attitudes have no direct relation- 
ship to the mechanisms of standing, particularly when assumed 
before the infant's feet contact the platform. 

There is one behavior item, however, which shows a highly 
consistent trend throughout the entire range of ages and this has a 
significant bearing on standing performance, namely, the item 
Supports a fraction of weight, which rises from a frequency of 
19 per cent at 4 weeks to 100 per cent at 56 weeks. A large fraction 
of the weight is supported by three-fourths of the children as 
early as 28 weeks, but at that age about half of the infants support 
this large fraction only momentarily. At 32 weeks of age over half 
of the children (55 per cent) support their entire weight, and at 
36 weeks 91 per cent support the entire weight. We may, therefore, 
regard 36 weeks as the age when in a normative sense the infant's 
bodily frame, though not his neuromuscular maturity, permits 
him to assume the standing station. At this age he is stiffer at 
the knees than at the hips. He leans forward maintaining leg 
extension when the examiner relaxes support. His tendency to 
flex at the hips shows that the vertical trunk is still in meager 
functional association with the legs. In a developmental sense the 
infant is not so much weak at the knees as weak at the pelvis. 

Leg activity is relatively slight at 4, 6, and 8 weeks. Flexion 
of the toes and plantar flexion of the foot are the most prominent 
reactions. At 12 weeks there may be extension and flexion of the 
ankle; the toes remain curled; the foot may lift one or two inches 
from the platform. The legs flex more or less passively as soon as 
the weight is relaxed by the examiner's supporting hands. 

At 16 weeks the interesting phenomenon of stepping movements 
occurs with relative frequency. It was found in 38 per cent of the 
normative group and with lesser frequency at 12, 20, 24, 28, and 



15 STANDING AND WALKING BEHAVIOR 95 

32 weeks. The phenomenon is highly exceptional at 4 and 6 weeks. 
At 16 weeks this movement is excited by the pressure of the foot 
onto the platform. While making stepping movements the infant 
sustains slight or no weight. He takes delight in this activity and 
if the examiner, sustaining the infant's trunk vertically, moves 
it forward through space at an adjusted speed, the child paces 
across the platform in a manner which astonishingly resembles 
walking progression. But it is fictitious; the infant does not 
transport his own body, the examiner does it for him. 

At 40 weeks, however, under similar circumstances, comparable 
stepping movements result in a pushing of the trunk against the 
examiner's hands. The child sustains his weight and on his own 
power paces across the platform, the examiner simply steadying 
the locomotion. This is true assisted walking. These stepping 
movements tend to be exaggerated; the child steps higher than 
necessary and he may fling his leg in a goose-step manner. At 
20 weeks the arms as well as the legs become more active. Leg 
activity consists in more sporadic flexion and extension. At 
8 weeks the leg activity often takes on a bouncing character 
(25 per cent). This is a manifestation of the new flexibility at 
the pelvis. It is, however, a rather generalized reaction in which 
the arms participate. 

The attitude of the feet on the platform undergoes changes 
with growth. Although at all ages the soles of the feet usually come 
into full contact with the platform, the toes display a well-defined 
response through the first 12 weeks. The toes react with a sustained 
grasp-like flexion. At 16 weeks the soles of the feet are everted so 
that only the outer edges come into contact with the platform. 
A similar attitude of the feet was observed in the supine situation 
when the legs are outwardly rotated. At 36 weeks when leg ex- 
tension is well defined, the infants often rise to the toes. A similar 
rise to the toes without sustaining full body weight is not infre- 
quent from 8 through 24 weeks. Through 16 weeks the feet are 
close together as they rest on the platform. Sometimes they are 
so close that they contact each other. After 16 weeks the feet 
show a tendency to separate and the distance between them 
widens. Although at 36 weeks they are often close to each other, 
they again show a tendency to separate. The child at this age makes 
his balance more secure by widening his base in this manner. As 
he acquires facility in walking, the feet again approximate each 
other more closely. At 36 weeks the normative infant tends to 



96 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 15 

remain riveted to the spot on which he stands. The legs flex at 
the pelvis and he passively bends in divers directions without 
being able to correct his stance by adjustment of the legs and feet. 
At about 40 weeks of age, however, he begins to lift his heel and 
at 44 weeks and thereafter he shows an ability to lift his feet from 
the platform. Lifting of the foot was also present at IS weeks and at 
16 weeks but this earlier ability had no immediate relationship 
to walking. Prom 28 weeks to 56 weeks from 69 to 88 per cent of 
the children were able to lift one foot while supporting their entire 
weight. 

The transition from self -supported standing to free standing, to 
independent walking is genetically a gradual one, even though 
performance finally manifests itself with apparent suddenness. 
The saltatoriness is fictitious and rests upon the assumption that 
the child's behavior falls into only two categories that he either 
stands or stands not; that he either walks or walks not. It must 
now be clear that he approximates walking and standing by slow 
degrees, through incrementations and synergetic correlation of 
many abilities. The attainment of self -balance is the culminating 
factor. 

This attainment also is reached by gradual organization rather 
than quick efflorescence. At first the examiner supplies all of the 
steadying balance, contributing as much foot-pound energy as 
the child himself would have to expend in the process. Standing- 
is an antigravity contest. As the infant acquires power to sustain 
his weight, he supplies a slowly increasing amount of self-balance. 
The examiner expends less energy and supplies restraint only at 
critical moments. These critical moments decrease in number 
with maturity. Investigated by precise quantitative methods the 
progress in self -balance would probably reveal a mathematically 
perfect gradient. 

At 40 weeks the infant can stand holding the side rail* At first 
he stands rather helplessly moored. He does not venture to release 
even one hand. He may lift a foot, or he may lift only the proximal 
segment of his foot, his heel. Later he cruises and for brief moments 
he may relax his hand hold. With the graduated, assistance of 
elders or by his own devices he "learns" to walk. It is evident that 
"learning" is a process of developmental patterning in which, the 
static controls gradually become incorporated with a growing 
postural equipment. Even though the labyrinthine apparatus of 
equilibrium is formed in the fetal period, walking must wait 



16 DANGLING RING BEHAVIOR 97 

ontogenetlcally until the basic neuromotor apparatus is ripe and 
ready. 

Summary 

Standing, therefore, proves to be a complicated form of behavior 
presupposing many preparatory stages which involve both the 
progressive utilization and the integration of preexisting behavior 
mechanisms. The developmental sequence proceeds somewhat as 
follows: (a) supine posture, (6) assisted sitting, (c) stepping when 
held in suspension, (d) independent sitting, (e) weight supported 
when held, (/) pulling self to standing, (g) weight supported with 
physical prop, (Ji) cruising, (i) standing momentarily, (j) independ- 
ent standing, (&) independent steps, (I) toddling, (m) walking, 
(n) running. 

A tabular summary of characteristic behavior items in age 
sequence follows. Selected items are assigned to the age at which 
they first appear with normative frequency. 

4 weeks Head sags; legs flex without extension; toes flex 

6 weeks Legs extend briefly 

8 weeks Head bobs or sets forward; supports fraction of weight 
12 weeks Head sets forward or steadily erect; lifts foot 
16 weeks Head steadily erect; compensates on swaying 
20 weeks Legs extend recurrently; supports large fraction of weight mo- 
mentarily 

28 weeks Supports large fraction of weight more than momentarily 
32 weeks Supports entire weight 
36 weeks Stands on toes 
40 weeks Stands holding to side rail 

44 weeks Pulls to standing independently or with assistance 
48 weeks Pulls to standing independently or with grasp of rail; lowers self 

using support; cruises 
52 weeks Walks using support 

56 weeks Attains standing station; stands independently, and walks almost 
independently 

16. DANGLING RING BEHAVIOR 

(4 weeks-8 weeks) 

The Situation 

The infant lay in the supine position. The examiner with cir- 
cuitous approach brought the dangling ring above the infant's 
lower chest. If no positive response occurred, the examiner moved 
the ring into a line of vision, right or left depending upon head 



98 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 16 

position. The ring was then bobbed gently in the visual fixation 
field. When the infant fixated, the examiner moved the ring slowly 
through an arc of 180. In a similar manner, starting at the infant's 
eye level, the examiner advanced the ring in the median plane 
beyond the infant's head and then in the opposite direction toward 
the infant's toes to elicit visual pursuit. At the 12 weeks age level 
the ring was held above the sternum for a long period to elicit 
incipient or delayed response. If the infant did not contact the 




". 




FIG. 16. Dangling ring behavior: 8 weeks and 20 weeks. 

ring, it was moved toward his left hand to facilitate grasp. If grasp 
did not occur the examiner placed the ring into the infant's palm. 

Stimulus Factors 

The dangling ring was a natural observation device for use at 
the lower age levels. The suspended ring is a prototype of the most 
primitive infant toy. To dangle an object before the infant is an 
almost instinctive expression of parental playfulness. By a similar 
playful approach the mother also brings her face hoveringly over 
the infant to stimulate his immature visual powers. The dangling 
of an enticing object before his upward gaze is not only a token of a 
social relationship, but is also a tacit recognition of the psycholog- 
ical individuality of. the infant. Particularly when the infant lies 
in the crib not sustained by the mother's arms, a dangling presenta- 
tion becomes a revealing test for elementary perception and 
prehension. 

The geometry of the dangling ring is simple. It consists of a 
vertical line terminating in a circle. We use ordinary twisted string 
to suspend a bright red embroidery ring approximately four inches 
in diameter. To what extent the geometry of the dangling ring is 
duplicated in the subjective perception of the infant one can only 



16 DANGLING RING BEHAVIOR 99 

speculate. At the earliest stages of response It is reasonably sure 
that he does not see a complete circle and a vertical line. He may, 
however, be sensitive to the disruption of a neutral background by 
a straight streak and by the hollow hoop. To the simple configura- 
tion of circle and line must be added the examiner's hand which 
holds the end of the string. The close juxtaposition of hand, string, 
and ring creates for the young infant a problem in perceptual 
discrimination and offers him an early opportunity for exploratory 
inspection. His eyes travel from one focal point to another. In 
the rivalry of the three stimulating foci the hand often proves most 
powerful. 

The ring slowly rotates as it hangs pendant. The optical 
stimulus values of the ring are multiplied or accentuated in some 
unknown way by this slow twirling motion. With no entrance 
into his sensorium, can we even guess how he subjectively appre- 
hends this motion? It is, however, objectively indicated that the 
dangling ring has a greater potency than the rattle in eliciting early 
perceptual response. Even though the stimulus of the rattle is 
reinforced by slight motion and sound, it does not at the earlier 
age levels (4 to 8 weeks) make so strong an appeal as the ring. 
We are inclined to believe that the difference in stimulus value 
arises out of the large amplitude, the defined contour, and the 
kaleidescopic gyration of the ring. 

Another stimulus factor of great importance at the younger 
ages is the transit of the ring across the field of vision. This slow 
arc-like motion from left to right and return, and from head to 
foot and return, simultaneously compounds with rotation. Some- 
times, to induce regard, the ring is also slightly bobbed in a per- 
pendicular plane, which adds a third component of motion. The 
optimum distance of the ring from the eyes of the infant and the 
rate of its movement were empirically established in each case. 
Five seconds were usually consumed in traversing the arc of 180. 
This is a favorable rate for eliciting ocular adjustment. The 
dependence of perceptual behavior on various factors of distance, 
speed, and direction of movement calls for further investigation by 
precise experimental methods. The genetic aspects of adaptation 
to these factors are numerous. 

In the last half of the first year the dangling ring situation 
becomes too elementary for the infant's powers of perception and 
prehension; the supine orientation irks him and he prefers to strike 
out on a horizontal plane. In a different guise, however, the ring 



100 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 16 

was kept in the observation procedures for the age levels subse- 
quent to 28 weeks. The ring was no longer dangled but was placed 
with the attached string flat on the table top. The child was seated 
confronting the table top. In their absolute physical qualities, the 
ring and string of course remained unchanged, but their stimulus 
values were greatly altered by this arrangement. The altered 
effect upon the perceptual and exploitive reactions of the infant 
will become apparent in the discussion of the ring and string 
situation. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. In spite of its potent stimulus values, as many as 77 
per cent of the infants at 4 weeks of age disregard the ring when it 
is suspended in the mid plane. Infants at this age, it will be recalled, 
nearly always lie with head averted. But at 16 weeks, only 14 per 
cent of the infants disregard the dangling ring in this plane. 
Thereafter prompt regard becomes practically universal; the head 
now favors the mid position. 

Delayed regard for the ring is the rule at all age levels up to 16 
weeks. At 16 weeks about one child in four manifests delayed 
regard. Prom the standpoint of duration three different types of 
regard may be distinguished for the age period from 4 weeks to 
28 weeks: momentary, prolonged, and sustained regard. Momen- 
tary regard is relatively frequent at 4, 6, and 8 weeks. Prolonged 
regard is characteristic of 12 weeks and 16 weeks; at the latter age, 
87 per cent of the children stare with a marked fixation which 
apparently signifies a vivid visual experience. In spite of the 
intentness of this regard, the ring does not receive sustained atten- 
tion throughout the period of observation. Only 17 per cent of the 
infants at 16 weeks were credited with consistent regard. Such 
regard rises steadily throughout the subsequent age levels reaching 
90 per cent at 28 weeks. At 16 weeks, however, 93 per cent of the 
infants shifted the regard. In order of frequency this shift was to 
the examiner (64 per cent), to the examiner's hand (48 per cent), 
to the infant's own hand (19 per cent), and to the surroundings 
(18 per cent). These "distractions" assert themselves at all age 
levels. Regard for the examiner's hand is especially conspicuous at 
6, 8, and 12 weeks in frequencies of 64, 61, and 77 per cent. The 
infant's own hand has most distractive power at 16 weeks; very 
rarely an infant pays regard to his own hand as early as 6 weeks 
and as late as 24 weeks. 



516 



DANGLING RING BEHAVIOR 



101 



SITUATION: DANGLING RING (RD) 



RD 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 

23 

24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
3 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 


Regards after delay 


77 

26 
53 

47 

77 

29 

22 
32 

94 

75 
28 
41 

44 
20 
55 
16 

36 








3 
3 


3 
9 


54 

46 
85 

43 

39 
61 
25 
75 

100 
68 
64 
54 

4 
62 

75 

43 
11 
55 



4 





4 
4 


4 
14 


64 

36 
71 

29 

46 
54 
12 
70 

100 
61 
61 
57 

50 

25 
60 
46 
25 
55 
11 

11 

4 
4 



4 
4 


8 

4 


65 

35 
38 
62 

46 
54 
50 
56 

96 

35 
77 
65 
8 
58 
37 
67 
50 
25 
61 
12 

42 
15 
12 

12 
8 
15 
8 
8 

4 
8 


27 
68 
35 
87 
17 
14 
86 
83 
88 
66 
7 
93 
13 
48 
64 
19 
84 
83 
77 
68 
83 
62 
62 
58 
32 
64 
17 
20 
50 
44 
20 
43 
20 
22 

20 
10 
SO 
38 
25 
3 
78 

10 

7 
7 
35 
27 


13 
97 

47 
26 

82 

13 
46 
16 

27 
5 

89 

30 
66 

19 
24 
76 
60 
38 
81 
35 
73 
75 
61 
19 
33 
11 
58 
51 
18 
56 
32 
37 
16 
5 

4* 
23 


14 
96 

38 
59 

100 

46 
38 
14 

24 

96 

19 
81 

7 
39 
82 
54 
11 
100 
28 
96 
46 
45 
40 
56 
10 
82 
56 
41 
41 
7 
43 
29 
29 
38 
SIB 


5 
95 

5 
90 

100 
53 

41 
5 

27 

100 

9 
91 

55 

77 
14 
5 
100 
5 
100 
14 
7 
65 
67 
14 
74 
84 
74 
82 

100 
100 
60 
18 
21 
















Regards immediately 


Regards momentarily 


Regards prolongedly ...... 


Regards consistently 


Disregards in mid plane. 


Regards in mid plane 


Regards in mid plane (long head) . . 


Regards in mid plane (round head) 
Regards ring in hand 


Regards string 


Shifts regard. . . 


Shifts regard to surroundings. . 


Shifts regard to Examiner's hand 


Shifts regard to Examiner, 


Shifts regard to hand 


Follows past mid plane 


Follows past mid plane (Ig.h.). . . . 


Follows past mid plane (rd.h.) 


Follows approximately 180 


Follows approximately 180 (Ig.h.)... . 


Follows approximately 180 (rd.h.) 
Approaches 


Approaches after delay. 


Approaches promptly. . . . 


Arms increase activity 


Arms separate . . 


Approaches with one hand 


Approaches with both hands 


Approaches with arms flexed 


Hands come together 


Contacts ring 


Dislodges ring on contact 


Grasps 


Grasps after delay 


Grasps interdigi tally 


Retains entire period .... 


Holds with both hands 


Hand opens and closes on, ring 




Free hand to mid plane . 


Transfers 






Re ards dro ned ring 


(If drops) pursues dropped ring 


(If drops) resecures dropped ring. ........ 


Rolls to side . ,......., 


Frets 





Note: Ring not placed in hand at early age levels. 

Rd 28 and 29, If child drops ring, it may be represented. Infant may, therefore, approach, with one hand 
on one presentation and with both hands on another presentation. 

It Is of course impossible to reconstruct the discriminativeness 
of early perceptions in their subjective aspect. Objective signs 
indicate that the string is unperceived or only slightly regarded 
until the age of 16 weeks, when 7 per cent of the infants evidently 



102 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 16 

fixated upon the string when it suspended the ring or when they 
themselves held the ring. This proportion rises steadily to 53 per 
cent at 28 weeks. The selective regard for the string in the ring and 
string situation at later ages likewise undergoes interesting 
developmental changes. 

At the early age levels, the dangling ring proved to be especially 
useful for the determination of the oculomotor control as expressed 
in eye following. It will be recalled that the ring was presented in 
the mid line; held in suspense over the chest; was then moved 
directly into the infant's line of vision; and, once the ring was 
perceived, it was moved in a curving plane from side to side and 
from head to foot to elicit visual following. With this procedure the 
item Follows the ring past the mid plane shows a progressive increase 
from 44 per cent at 4 weeks to 84 per cent at 16 weeks. Head ward 
and footward following matures earlier and is present to some 
extent at all the ages studied, the frequencies ranging from 80 to 
100 per cent. 

Although the normative findings show a general and regular 
increase with age, it was discovered that within a given age group 
there were striking individual differences. These differences deserve 
a special comment and tentative discussion. Of 32 infants studied 
by Dr. Catherine Strunk Amatruda at 4 weeks of age, ten were 
distinguished by the shape of the head: the occiput was very 
prominent, the head having a long antero-posterior diameter. 
The ten obvious and outstanding cases were called long-headed and 
the remainder were arbitrarily called round-headed. These terms 
will serve for the following discussion but, since cephalic measure- 
ments were not made, the classification is not strictly equivalent to 
a technical determination of dolichocephalic (cephalic index up to 
74.9) and brachycephalic (cephalic index 80 and above). 

It was at once apparent that the long, protruding occiput made 
head turning very difficult, and analysis of the abilities involving 
head rotation from age to age revealed that the performance of 
the long-headed infants lagged consistently behind that of the 
round-headed infants until 16 weeks s when there is no discernible 
difference in behavior. At this age likewise the head formation 
observed earlier had become so changed that many of the long- 
headed infants could no longer be identified by inspection. This 
difference in performance was studied in relation to other possible 
selective factors including sex, health, and emotional adjustment 
but all of these factors were eliminated as probable explanations. 



16 DANGLING RING BEHAVIOR 103 

Up to 16 weeks of age in general a marked and consistent 
difference showed itself in the long-headed versus the round-headed 
groups with respect to the following items: Regards in mid plane, 
Follows past mid plane, Follows approximately 180. These differ- 
ences in rotational mobility are readily summarized by a compari- 
son of the average number of degrees through which the dangling 
ring was followed at the five age levels in question. Although the 
figures must not be interpreted too precisely, their trend is un- 
mistakable and conform to the clinical impressions. 

Hound-headed Long-headed 

4 weeks 118 , 68 

6 weeks 142 10 

8 weeks 123 80 

12 weeks 140 100 

16 weeks 152 154 

Similar analytical comparisons were made with regard to head 
rotation and visual fixation in the spontaneous supine and the 
rattle situations, and similar trends asserted themselves up to the 
age of 16 weeks. Even initial regard in the mid plane is augmented 
by round-headedness at 4, 6, and 8 weeks. The maximum percent- 
age for mid-plane regard is 75 per cent at 6 weeks for the round- 
heads and 25 per cent for the long-heads. Following past the mid 
plane showed comparable ratios which need not here be detailed. 

Following to the extent of 180 ranged from zero per cent at 
4 weeks to 25 per cent at 12 weeks for the long-head group. For 
the round-head group the percentages ranged from 36 at 4 weeks 
to 61 at 12 weeks, a palpable difference. At 16 weeks the difference 
had been completely resolved and indeed the long-heads were then 
in the ascendancy for maximum following. The incrementation in 
eye following is not completely expressed by this increase in range 
of movement. There was a correlated increase in the quality of 
the following movements which became more smooth, more 
prompt, and more competent with age. 

If findings like the above become established, it is probable that 
head conformation exerts significant influence upon postural, 
perceptual, and prehensory behavior, as well as upon oculomotor 
behavior in the first trimester of infancy. 

Prehension. Sixteen weeks appears to be a critical age not only 
from the standpoint of visual perception, but also from the closely 
correlated standpoint of prehensory adjustment, for it is at this 
age that 62 per cent of the infants make definite approach move- 



104 .NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 

nients upon the ring as opposed to 0, 11, and 12 per cent of the 
infants at the three preceding age levels. In the three succeeding 
age levels the percentage rises to 100. For the age range from 
6 weeks to 28 weeks, therefore, the curve for approach movements 
shows a rapid rise from per cent to 100 per cent. Approach, 
however, is still in a nascent stage at 16 weeks, for only 32 per cent 
approach promptly and 58 per cent after delay. At 20 weeks the 
relationships are reversed: only 30 per cent approach after delay, 
whereas 66 per cent approach promptly. At 28 weeks promptness 
of approach was noted in 91 per cent of the infants. 

At the age levels prior to 16 weeks, approach movements can- 
not always be distinguished from increased arm activity. Such 
increase of activity on sight of the ring is not observed at all at 
4 weeks and in only 4 per cent of the children at 6 weeks. But these 
frequencies rise to 42 per cent at 12 weeks and to 64 per cent at 
16 weeks. The nature of this increased arm activity varies with 
age and doubtless also with personality characteristics. The move- 
ments are frequently abrupt and sporadic. Sometimes they are 
definitely preceded by a comparable period of diminished activity 
and of almost complete immobilization. Sometimes the activity 
eventuates in a separation of the arms which is somewhat para- 
doxical, for prehension requires closure upon its objective. Such 
separation of the arms, however, occurred in 15 per cent of the 
infants at 12 weeks, 17 per cent at 16 weeks, and 19 per cent at 
20 weeks. The genetic relationship of paradoxical abduction to 
true adductive approach movements merits further analysis. 
These movements are not so contradictory as they seem; even in 
adult embrace arms fling out before they close in. 

Approach with one hand constitutes still another pattern which 
undergoes a rather regular developmental increase from 4 per 
cent at 8 weeks to 55 per cent at 28 weeks. Approach with both 
hands is the most frequent pattern. Such definite approach was 
noted in 50 per cent of the children at 16 weeks, in 76 per cent 
at 20 weeks, in 82 per cent at 24 weeks, and 77 per cent at 28 weeks. 
A comparable pattern is designated Hands come together. In this 
reaction the hands do not definitely close on the ring; they simply 
contact the ring or penetrate it; but usually they come together 
outside the ring and without contacting it. This type of hand 
approximation occurs in 20 per cent of the children at 16 weeks and 
in 38 per cent of the children at 20 weeks, with lesser frequencies at 
24 weeks and 28 weeks. 



DANGLING RING BEHAVIOR 105 

Contact of the ring may occur more or less fortuitously in 
exceptional cases at 4, 6, and 8 weeks. Contact occurs in 15 per 
cent of the children at 12 weeks, in 43 per cent at 16 weeks, in 
81 per cent at 20 weeks, and in 100 per cent at 24 weeks. 

The bilateral approach at 20 weeks is characteristically vigorous 
though it sometimes exhibits a labored and leaden slowness. It 
frequently results in a marked dislodging of the position of the ring 
on contact. Successful grasp, however, takes place in 73 per cent 
of the cases at 20 weeks as compared with only 22 per cent of the 
cases at 16 weeks, and in only 8 per cent at 12 weeks. By 4 weeks 
grasp is nearly universal. Grasping at 20 weeks, however, is not 
perfected, for 75 per cent of the infants grasp only after delay; 
while at 28 weeks only 14 per cent show delay in their grasping. 
The delay in grasp at 20 weeks is comparable to the delay in 
approach noted at 16 weeks. Lacking adaptive hand orientation, 
interdigital grasp is very frequent at 20 weeks. It occurs in 61 per 
cent of the infants at that age as compared with 7 per cent at 
8 weeks. 

Retention and manipulatory exploitation of the ring are depend- 
ent upon a substratum of prehensory capacity. Accordingly we 
find that the percentage of children who retain the ring in one hand 
during the entire period of observation rises from 20 per cent at 
16 weeks to 65 per cent at 28 weeks. Holding the ring with both 
hands during the situation also rises from a frequency of 10 per 
cent to 67 per cent in this age range. 

Since 16 weeks is so transitional in the organization of pre- 
hensory patterns, it is not surprising that the number of children 
who open and close the hands somewhat rhythmically upon the 
ring occurs with a maximum frequency (30 per cent) at this age. 
This is another paradoxical association of apparently contradictory 
patterns comparable to the fling-out and close-in of the arms. 
Alternate hand opening and closing were observed in 14 per cent 
of the children as late as 28 weeks. 

Once the ring is seized its preferential route is to the mouth, and 
mouthing rises from a frequency of 38 per cent at 16 weeks to 82 
and 74 per cent at 24 and 28 weeks. The manipulations character- 
istically involve both hands. As a matter of fact,. the relatively 
large size of the ring (especially large if we remind ourselves of 
the diminutive dimensions of the infant) favors the participation 
of the free hand. This free hand comes to the mid plane during 
manipulation in 25 per cent of the infants at 16 weeks,. 51 per cent 



106 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 17 

at 20 weeks, 56 per cent at 24 weeks, and 84 per cent at 28 
weeks. 

It is a very interesting and significant fact that, although the 
free hand is in the mid zone with such frequency at these age levels, 
actual transfer does not occur with comparable frequency. The 
frequencies for transfer at corresponding ages are 3 per cent at 
16 weeks, 18 per cent at 20 weeks, 41 per cent at 24 weeks, and 
74 per cent at 28 weeks. From this ratio of frequencies we may con- 
clude that bilateral grasp, bilateral manipulation, and hand-to- 
hand transfer arise developmentally as partially individuated 
patterns. Accordingly these patterns remain partially merged and 
do not become well differentiated and coordinated until about the 
age of 28 weeks. 

For similar reasons, dropping of the ring occurs with a high 
frequency of 78 per cent at 16 weeks and a low frequency of 32 per 
cent at 28 weeks. So intermittent is prehension at 16 weeks that 
42 per cent of the infants drop the ring immediately, whereas 
immediate dropping is rarely or never observed at 24 and 28 weeks. 

If the ring is dropped it is pursued by 29 per cent of the infants 
at 24 weeks and 100 per cent at 28 weeks. All or most of these 
infants are successful in resecuring the ring when it is dropped. 
Rolling to the side is a pattern of postural activity which intrudes 
itself at 16, 20, and 28 weeks of age. It does not much alter the 
patterns of exploitation. Even though the infant rolls to the side he 
continues the exploitiveness in which he is engaged. But in the 
concealed process of growth some correlation is being established 
between these postural and manipulative patterns so that in due 
time they will be under full voluntary initiation and voluntary 
coordination. 

17. RATTLE BEHAVIOR 

(4 weeks-28 weeks) 

The Situation 

The infant lay in the supine position. The examiner with 
circuitous approach brought the rattle above the infant's lower 
chest. If the infant fixated on the rattle it was held there for 5 
additional seconds. If not, the examiner gently activated the rattle 
(by twirling it between index finger and thumb). If the infant did 
not then regard the rattle it was brought into the visual field, right 
or left depending on head position. When visual regard was secured, 



17 RATTLE BEHAVIOR 107 

the examiner immobilized the rattle and held it so for 5 seconds. 
The examiner then moved the rattle toward the face hand, touch- 
ing the dorsum of the digits if the hand was partly closed. He 
inserted the rattle handle into this hand if open, or he pried the 
fingers back to effect insertion. Having observed the infant's 
responses after grasping, the examiner took the rattle again and 
moved it slowly toward the occiput hand (repeating the procedure 
just described). These particular maneuvers were limited to 
infants who were in the tonic neck reflex postural attitude with 
face hand in extension. 




FIG. 17. Battle behavior: 12 weeks and 20 weeks. 

At 12 weeks and at subsequent age levels the examiner held the 
rattle above the sternum for some time if necessary to elicit delayed 
spontaneous grasp. If grasp did not ensue he moved the rattle 
within a few inches of the left hand to evoke grasp. If grasp did 
not occur he inserted the rattle into the hand to observe the sub- 
sequent manipulation for approximately three minutes. 

Stimulus Factors 

It is natural that we should have included the rattle in our 
complement of test objects. The rattle is one of the most ancient 
and universal of all infant toys. It rivals the ball. Indeed, a fre- 
quent type of rattle is a hollow, sound-producing ball with a handle. 
Prototypes of the modern nursery rattle have been found among 
the remains of very early cultures. The model used in our norma- 
tive observations was made of celluloid with a slender handle 
terminating in a loop. Physically the features which were significant 
from the standpoint of stimulus values were the lightness of weight, 
the sphericity of the bowl, one half of which was blue (or pink), 
the other white; and the contained gravel which gave a mild 
frictional or percussive sound on movement. 



108 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 17 

The procedures used in the presentation of the rattle served in 
some measure to define the stimulus factors which were operative 
in determining behavior, but the exact role of the sound cannot 
always be ascertained from the data. The rattle was first presented 
without sounding, but it was mildly agitated by the examiner if 
sight alone did not provoke response. The rattle was presented 
only to infants in the supine position. If the child could not secure 
the rattle unassisted, its handle was brought near his hand, was 
touched to his fingers, or, as a last resort, was inserted in the palm. 
The rattle thus became a device for defining the prehensory capaci- 
ties of the infant, under graded stimulus conditions. 

When does the infant "shake" the rattle "in order to" produce 
the sound? Probably at a later age than the optimistic parent 
and even the adultomorphic examiner unwarily supposes. Even 
an infant of very tender age presents a plausible picture of absorbed 
rattle play which is very deceiving. Does he really play the rattle, 
using the verb transitively? Our normative data throw light on 
this interesting psychological question, because all the infants 
who were observed in the rattle situation were also previously 
observed in the supine situation. During the latter situation, the 
infant was subjected to no specific stimulation and his free, spon- 
taneous action patterns asserted themselves. These patterns could 
be compared with those for rattle play. On making a comparative 
analysis of the patterns for the five age levels from 4 to 16 weeks, 
it was found that possession of the rattle had no influence, or only 
a very slight influence, on the observable behavior. Opening and 
closing of the fingers (on the rattle handle) and mouthing were 
increased, but otherwise the patterns of manipulation and exploita- 
tion were much the same, whether or not the infant's hand was 
empty. The examiner might also remove the rattle, but the infant 
would continue to wave and brandish his arms, as indeed he had 
done before the rattle was ever presented. 

This simple and oft substantiated finding has general signifi- 
cance for the whole problem of stimulus factors throughout the 
period of infancy. Our conventional stimulus-response concepts 
often make us ascribe an undue stimulus power to an external 
object which in reality may influence the course of action no more 
than the sparrow influences the veering of the weather vane upon 
which it happens to perch. 

There comes a time, of course, when the sound produced by 
the rattle has a repercussive effect upon movements which the 



17 RATTLE BEHAVIOR 109 

infant makes during the act of sound production. Very gradually 
lie becomes a prime mover in the utilization of the rattle. The 
movements are first of all mainly endogenous in origin; slowly 
they become associated with visual-auditory components which 
become stimulus factors; and these components of themselves tend 
to set up the movements by which they were initiated in the first 
instance. In this circularity of endogenous movement, reaction, 
and response we have the basis for that anticipativeness which 
ultimately makes the infant a true agent in the utilization of the 
rattle. He reaches this level by slow and gradual developmental 
processes which are suggested below in the summary of rattle 
behavior. 

The rattle was presented only at the eight age levels up to 
32 weeks. The reader who wishes to gain an impression of the 
patterns of rattle play at subsequent age levels may find their 
partial equivalent in the older infants' behavior in the bell situa- 
tion. The hand bell is a rattle with a visible sound mechanism. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. It will be recalled that the rattle was at first presented 
noiselessly and held in suspense for five seconds over the child's 
chest. The rattle was then gently sounded if no visual regard 
occurred. If still unheeded, the rattle was brought into the direct 
visual field and if necessary was again sounded. Infants who 
continued to disregard had yet further opportunity to fixate upon 
it, for the rattle was touched to the hand or inserted into the 
palm. These progressive stages in the presentation of the rattle 
served to differentiate ascending levels in the organization of 
perception. 

As many as 41 per cent of the infants 4 weeks old fail to regard 
the rattle at all. This percentage falls to 24 at 6 weeks and to at 
20 weeks. Of those who look at the rattle, approximately one-third 
at 4, 6, 8, and 12 weeks give spontaneous regard when the rattle 
is held without sounding in the mid plane. Strikingly enough, at 
16 weeks this proportion rises sharply to 69 per cent. At 28 weeks 
prompt spontaneous regard in the mid line is well-nigh universal. 
Delay in regard is highly characteristic from 4 through 12 weeks 
and occurs in approximately three-fourths of all the infants who 
manifest any regard. There is more than an even chance that the 
regard will also be only momentary at these ages. Even at 16 



110 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



517 



SITUATION: RATTLE (Ra) 



Ra 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


53 


56 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
'28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
83 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 


Does not regard . , . ... .... 


41 

70 

43 
77 
46 
16 
56 
29 
50 
3 

59 
35 

10 
60 
50 
65 
43 

45 
90 












45 
37 
45 
SO 

10 
10 
5 


100 
70 
29 
5 


3 
S3 
23 


24 
68 
48 
72 
44 
16 
56 
31 
59 
11 

67 
58 
8 
24 
65 
54 
58 
31 

60 
68 












63 
33 
36 
28 

12 
8 



92 
46 
5 




14 
36 


22 
67 
54 
78 
35 
14 
40 
33 
54 
11 

78 
54 

14 
48 
59 
89 
61 

52 
87 
14 
11 



5 


7 



42 
37 
27 
22 

5 
5 



84 
58 
18 



7 
7 
21 


8 
68 
72 
72 
62 
16 
80 
32 
46 
42 

57 
96 

35 
46 
27 
83 
75 
6 
78 
61 
30 
12 
4 

5 
9 
5 
9 
4 



75 
47 
S3 
39 

44 
22 
17 


69 
31 
25 



4 
15 
38 


4 
28 
35 
41 
95 
100 
94 
69 
46 
64 
11 
25 
58 
11 
45 

7 
79 
80 
25 
77 
38 
53 
29 
20 
6 

15 
14 
27 
15 



54 
37 
SB 
59 
16 
50 
29 
11 
3 
3 
64 
23 
60 
17 
11 
5 
42 
27 
22 


24 

76 

21 



85 
29 
57 

23 
79 

93 
70 

94 
90 

24 
43 
61 
39 
18 
15 
56 
47 
35 


35 
17 
64 

56 

17 
42 
25 
70 
12 

42 
36 
20 
62 

16 

41 


79 

13 
6 
58 
15 
61 
15 
93 

100 
87 

90 
83 

29 
50 
53 
40 
7 
7 
61 
61 
45 
20 

31 
18 
73 

5S 

85 

42 
40 
40 
62 
6 

50 
52 

43 
68 

18 

44 


6 

94 

6 

88 
28 
61 

100 

100 
94 

100 
100 

10 
88 
50 
62 



94 
94 

19 

46 

65 

9 
78 

2 

78 

2 
50 
50 

18 


18 

50 
60 

46 
25 
















(If r.) r. only in line of vis. or when shaken 
Regards after delay 


(If regards) regards after delay 


Reg. in mid plane (spon. or after shaken) . . 
Regards in mid plane (Is h ) 


Regards in mid plane (rd h.) 


Regards spontaneously in mid plane 


Regards only momentarily. . 


Regards starily. 


Regards consistently 




Regards examiner 


Regards hand . 


Regards rattle in hand. 


(Contact) hand clenches . .... 


(Oofit&ot) arm bcootn**^ active . . , , , , - . 


(Contact) hand opens 


(Contact) hand opens immediately 


Near hand grasps rattle 


(In hand) holds actively 


(In hand) holds passively 


Arm increases activity. . . . 


Approaches .-.. 


Approaches after delay . .... 


Approaches promptly 


Approaches with both hands 


Approaches with one hand . . 


Hands close on each other . . . 


Hands to mouth 








Manipulates holding by bowl . 


Retains ent. per. (placed in r. or 1. hand) . . 
Retains entire period (placed in left hand) 
Opens and closes hand 


Brings rattle to mouth 


Waves or shakes rattle. 


Brings free hand toward mid plane 


Free hand contacts rattle 


Free hand fingers rattle. 


Grasps with free hand 


Transfers 




Drops immediately 




If drops, regards after losing . . 


If drops, strains toward lost rattle 


If drops, resecures rattle. 




Frets. 


Vocalizes 




Note: Placed in both hands up to 16 weeks, 15 cases only. 











1? RATTLE BEHAVIOR 111 

weeks, 46 per cent of the infants show a momentary regard, but 
at 28 weeks this occurs in only 6 per cent of the cases. 

That the perceptual abilities of the infant are relatively imma- 
ture throughout the first quarter of the first year of life is reflected 
in the fact that over two-thirds of the infants, up to 12 weeks of 
age inclusive, who showed regard for the rattle did so only when 
the rattle was in direct line of vision or after it was shaken. The 
percentages for delay of regard just given also suggest immaturity 
in perceptual organization. Of similar significance are the fre- 
quencies of regard for the surroundings, ranging from 5 per cent 
to 78 per cent for the age levels through 12 weeks. Regard for the 
examiner, sometimes at the expense of the rattle, shows a steady 
increase from 35 per cent at 4 weeks to 96 per cent at 12 weeks. 

At 16 weeks, however, the rattle evidently takes on a new 
importance in the perceptual world of the infant. Or, to phrase 
the facts more behavioristically, the perceptive systems of the 
infant have integrated at a higher level. In more homely language, 
he now stares at the rattle. What does this staring denote? Prob- 
ably not a passive receptivity but an active oculomotor reorganiza- 
tion which leads to a clarification of the object. Seeing has not yet 
become instantaneously automatic; visual perception in its 
nascent stages requires active, specific adaptation, and staring 
involves inhibitory response which focalizes the area of such 
adaptation. A comparable restrictiveness, that is, a visually 
discriminative "interest 3 * in the examiner, asserts itself at the 
16 weeks age level. 

But the figures for the behavior item Stares at rattle are espe- 
cially arresting, for they rise from a low level of 3 per cent at 
4 weeks to 64 per cent at 16 weeks with a precipitous decline to 8 per 
cent at 20 weeks and per cent at 28 weeks. This sudden descent 
does not mean that the infant has a suddenly lost <c interest" 
in the rattle; it may well mean that he has, through previous 
storings, at similar objects, mastered the elementary optical con- 
stitution of the rattle and is now ready to become interested in it in 
a more advanced way. Accordingly, the frequency of the item 
Consistent regard (visual attentiveness) for the rattle mounts from 
11 per cent at 16 weeks to 88 per cent at 28 weeks. And as for 
regard for the rattle when it is in his hand, whether placed there 
by the examiner or attained by grasp, this undergoes a significantly 
steady, gradual increase from 10 per cent at 4 weeks to 100 per 
cent at 28 weeks. At the latter age the infant has also achieved an 



112 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS' 17 

elementary motor control of the rattle; and the two forms of control, 
visual and manual, are In close coordination. 

Rapid visual pick-up increases in frequency and definiteness 
with age. This shows itself in increasing perceptiveness for the 
examiner's face as opposed to physical surroundings at 12 and 
16 weeks. Prior to that time it is the surroundings which receive 
a greater share of the visual regard. Facility of regard in the mid 
plane, however, does not seem to depend entirely upon retinal 
maturity. It was noted that among infants of equal age some 
showed a greater freedom and scope of rotational head movements 
than did other infants in the same normative group. Those infants 
up to 12 weeks of age who were in general round-headed in type 
tended to perceive the rattle in the mid plane more readily than 
infants whose heads were longish. This observation is discussed 
at greater length in the summary of the dangling ring situation, 
which offers interesting points of comparison with rattle behavior. 
The tonic neck reflex so prominent in supine behavior up to 12 
weeks of age suggests still further relationships between factors 
of head conformation, head activity, posture, and perception, 
laterality, and eyedness. The percentages for mid-plane regard of 
the rattle show a marked and consistent difference in favor of 
the round-heads in the following ratios: at 4 weeks 16:56; at 
6 weeks, 16:56; at 8 weeks, 14 :40; at 12 weeks, 16 :80. At 16 weeks 
the groups were nearly identical, 100:94. It is even suggested that 
the long-heads do not spontaneously see the rattle at all in the mid 
plane until the advanced age of 16 weeks. The problem is being 
more carefully studied and for the present no statements can be 
made without qualifications. 

Prehension. Grasp may take place either on visual or on 
tactile cues. Our normative data on the rattle enable us to make 
some comparison of both sets of cues. The development of visual 
perceptiveness as such has just been outlined, and it will be recalled 
that the handle of the rattle was persuasively pressed on or within 
the infant's hand if there was no spontaneous grasp. 

Four kinds of motor reaction may take place on visual and 
tactile presentation of the rattle: (a) general body activity; (6) 
specific arm activity; (c) directed approach; (d) hand extension 
and closure, with and without completed grasp. These responses 
will now be briefly reviewed. 

It is difficult to separate a and 6, because b is a. differentiation 
or accentuation which defines itself within a matrix of generalized 



17 RATTLE BEHAVIOR 113 

response. What to ordinary observation seems to be a restricted 
reaction of the arm proves on cinema analysis to be intimately 
associated with a comprehensive postural response which involves 
the whole child. However, for descriptive purposes a rough distinc- 
tion was made between the more general and the more specific 
forms of response. At 4 weeks of age no increase in general activity 
was noted on presentation of the rattle; if anything there was a 
tendency toward reduction of such activity if the rattle was 
perceived. There was, however, a slow increase from 6 weeks to 
16 weeks. 

In observing arm activity in the rattle position, it is very 
difficult to distinguish between movements which are fortuitously 
coincidental and those which are responsive to the specific stimulus. 
The form of these movements may be highly similar to that 
exhibited without the presence of the rattle. However, there was an 
unmistakable tendency for the sight of the rattle to initiate an 
increase in the rate and vigor of the " spontaneous" movements. 
Combining all forms of movement, a definite and decided increase in 
hand-arm activity asserted itself in 14 per cent of the cases at 
8 weeks, 30 per cent at 12 weeks, 53 per cent at 16 weeks, 94 per 
cent at 20 weeks, and 100 per cent at 28 weeks. This very consistent 
trend covering a period of twenty weeks is correlated with the 
progressive organization of prehension on visual cue. Actual grasp 
on sight covers a much narrower age range, for it does not occur 
commonly until 20 weeks (47 per cent) and not generally until 28 
weeks (94 per cent). Grasp on touch occurs much earlier, as will be 
noted presently. 

When does increased hand-arm activity become directed 
approach? It is not always easy to determine, because there may be 
brief or sporadic movements of approach in a series of movements 
which superficially appear undirected. Moreover, except in cinema 
analysis, it is somewhat difficult to apply a stable criterion of 
distinction. Nevertheless, the figures for approach show a con- 
sistent trend which is developmental^ significant. At 8 weeks 
11 per cent of the infants made approach movements; at 16 weeks 
29 per cent made such movements; at 20 weeks 90 per cent; at 
28 weeks 100 per cent. The behavior at. 16 weeks is transitional in 
character, because 53 per cent of the infants at that age were 
credited with increased hand-arm activity. This is almost twice 
the number of those who exhibited definite approach. 



114 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 17 

The mechanisms of early approach are by no means simple. 
Delay in approach occurred in from 20 to 30 per cent of the infants 
at 16, 20, and 24 weeks. Prompt approach is very rare at 16 weeks 
and occurred in only half the infants at 24 weeks; but at 28 weeks it 
reaches a frequency of 88 per cent. Bilateral approach is develop- 
mentally more primitive than unilateral and is especially character- 
istic of 20 weeks, when it occurred in 61 per cent of the cases. 
At this age likewise the hands closed on each other in 18 per cent of 
the infants. Such hand closure is very infrequent thereafter as well 
as prior to 16 weeks. However, unilateral approach was observed as 
early as 8 weeks, and rose steadily to a frequency of 62 per cent at 
28 weeks. The approach movements are often completely abortive. 
They result in mere contact of the rattle and that only in from 7 to 
15 per cent of the infants at 8, 12, and 16 weeks of age. Actual 
grasp rises precipitously from approximately 50 per cent at 
20 weeks to 100 per cent at 28 weeks. 

So much for prehension on visual cue aided or unaided by 
auditory stimulation. The behavior trends just outlined may now 
be compared with those in which tactile stimulation was used. 
At once it becomes apparent that tactile cues are genetically more 
fundamental and primitive. At 4 and 6 weeks visual stimulation 
failed to excite hand-arm activity, but when the rattle was touched 
to the hand, there was a responsive increase in such activity at 
these age levels and at 8 weeks as well. Closely associated with this 
arm reaction was a responsive clenching of the hand, and the two 
reactions tended to occur simultaneously. They were noted in 
from 50 to 60 per cent of all the infants at 4, 6, and 8 weeks. At 
12 weeks hand clenching apparently was ascendant over arm 
activity and occurred in 46 per cent of the cases as opposed to 
27 per cent (for arm activity). Still more striking is the fact that 
hand clenching reaches frequency at the next age level (16 weeks) 
and the arm activity descends to 7 per cent. Since these observa- 
tions were made on infants in the supine position enjoying 
unconstrained freedom of action, they indicate very forcibly the 
fact that the prehensory mechanism has proceeded far in the direc- 
tion of individuation or partial differentiation within a general 
matrix of postural response. Of similar import is the fact that 80 per 
cent of the 16 weeks-old infants opened the hands immediately on 
contact by the rattle. These facts might be stated in terms of 
inhibition rather than individuation, but the upshot of the discus- 
sion would be the same. 



17 RATTLE BEHAVIOR 115 

Ability to open the hands is almost as essential to the act of 
prehension as the ability to close the hand. At the younger age 
levels the examiner finds the infant's hands usually closed before 
the rattle is touched to it but at 16 weeks the hands are open in 
50 per cent of the cases. These figures again confirm the importance 
of this age level in the genesis of grasp. Immediate opening of the 
closed hand (when contacted with the rattle) is relatively infre- 
quent at 4 and 6 weeks (43 and 31 per cent) but is characteristic of 
12 and 16 weeks (75 and 80. per cent). At 8 weeks 61 per cent of the 
infants reacted immediately by opening the hands. Opening of the 
hand, whether prompt or delayed, occurs frequently at all ages, 
the percentages ranging from 65 per cent at 4 weeks to 100 per cent 
at 24 weeks. 

It is interesting to note that in the supine situation spontaneous 
opening of the hand was associated with arm activity at the early 
age levels. In the rattle situation the reverse is true. Arm activity 
and active closure or fisting of the hand appear together. Opening 
of the hands, however, increases in frequency as arm activity 
decreases. In these relationships one again glimpses a process of 
differential individuation. Actual grasp of the rattle on tactile cue 
(contact) never, or rarely, takes place at the early age levels up to 
12 weeks. At 16 weeks, however, one infant out of four grasps on 
tactile cue. At 20 weeks 70 per cent and at 28 weeks 94 per cent 
grasped on contact. 

It is profitable to compare these percentages with those already 
given for grasping on visual cue. No child at 16 weeks grasped on 
visual cue and 47 per cent at 20 weeks grasped on sight, as com- 
pared with 70 per cent at 20 weeks who grasped on contact. Even 
at 24 weeks, grasping on contact occurs with greater frequency 
than grasping on sight. It is only at 28 weeks that the frequencies 
are equal. These figures illumine the developmental transitions 
which are taking place in the field of prehension in the age sector 
from 16 to 24 weeks. 

Two forms of grasp are observed at the early age levels ; namely, 
heel or palmar grasp and a more open palmar grasp with a passive, 
pseudo-thumb opposition. The difference between these two types 
of grasp lies in the position of the thumb. In the heel grasp, the 
thumb is usually fisted in the central palm, which results in pressing 
the rattle handle against the heel of the palm. In opening the hand, 
the thumb may be extended and come to lie in a position parallel 
to the fingers. In the heel grasp, the thumb is not involved; or, if 



116 NORMATIVE CHARACTEKIST1CS 17 

involved, acts as one of the other digits. Passive thumb opposition 
occurs when the hand opens widely and the thumb not only extends 
but abducts to a slight degree. Accordingly, when the rattle is 
placed between the thumb and the fingers, the latter encircle the 
handle and the thumb rests at the side in pseudo-opposition. Heel 
grasp occurred in the great majority of infants at 4 weeks and with 
diminishing frequency at subsequent age levels. Passive thumb 
opposition showed some tendency to increase. At the age of 4 weeks, 
heel grasp was in marked ascendancy. 

Once the infant has secured the rattle with or without its 
insertion into his hand, he manifests two distinguishable kinds of 
holding, namely, passive holding and active holding. These two 
methods again tend to vary in frequency with age; the former 
decreasing, the latter increasing. Passive holding may be regarded 
as highly characteristic of the 4 weeks level of maturity; active 
holding is almost as characteristic of 16 weeks. The touch of the 
rattle elicits regard only rarely at the earlier age levels and indeed 
even at 16 weeks in only 13 per cent of the cases. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. Manipulation of the rattle in 
the hand will necessarily depend in part upon the infant's capacity 
to maintain a prehensory hold upon the rattle. This capacity 
apparently undergoes a very steady improvement with age. The 
percentages for the item Drops the rattle sometime during the situa- 
tion decline from 100 per cent at 4 weeks with considerable regular- 
ity to a low level of 18 per cent at 8 weeks. Of special interest is 
the item Drops immediately. Here again there is a progressive 
developmental diminution with age from a maximum percentage of 
70 at 4 weeks to at 8 weeks. Indeed, even at 20 weeks only 12 per 
cent, and at 24 weeks only 6 per cent, of the infants dropped the 
rattle immediately. When the rattle was dropped, the examiner 
replaced it, if necessary by insertion in the infant's hand, and it will 
be recalled that in about half the cases up through 16 weeks the 
rattle was presented to both the occiput hand and the face 'hand, as 
determined by the tonic neck reflex position. No marked differ- 
ences of response other than visual were observed in relation to 
these two hand positions. 

Reckoning the percentages on the basis of behavior observed in 
relation to either or both hands, we find that, in spite of the drop- 
ping tendency, 45 per cent of the infants even at 4 weeks retained 
the rattle in one hand throughout the brief period of observation. 
In the case of the older infants, 20 to 28 weeks of age, the rattle 



17 RATTLE BEHAVIOR 117 

was presented to tlie left hand. Including these cases, we find that 
approximately one-third of the infants retained the rattle in the 
left hand during the entire period of observation from 4 weeks 
through 24 weeks, and two-thirds did so at the age of 28 weeks. 

Assuming now some retention of the rattle, what kinds of 
manipulatory pattern assert themselves? One of the most ele- 
mentary reactions is simple opening and closing of the hand without 
dropping the rattle. More or less rhythmic closure and opening of 
the hand occurred in 45 per cent of the infants at 4 weeks. This 
figure falls to 9 per cent at 28 weeks. The free hand may open and 
close in a similar manner, and when the free hand is brought upon 
the rattle the flexion of the digits simulates fingering. Fingering 
of some sort occurred in 5 per cent of the infants at 4 weeks, in 
17 per cent at 12 and 20 weeks, and 11 per cent at 16 weeks, but 
rose to a maximum of 42 per cent at 24 weeks, falling to 22 per cent 
at 28 weeks. The significance of this fingering will be commented 
upon presently. It is quite probable that the fingering at 24 weeks 
has a different significance from, that at the earlier age levels. 

Very early the free hand shows some tendency to come toward 
the mid plane. At 4 weeks 10 per cent of the infants brought the 
free hand some distance toward the mid plane. At 16 weeks this 
was true of half the infants. Only 29 per cent, however, succeeded 
in actually contacting the rattle with the free hand at the age of 
16 weeks. This percentage rises sharply to 56 per cent at 20 weeks, 
85 per cent at 24 weeks, and 78 per cent at 28 weeks. This participa- 
tion of the free hand results in diverse forms of manipulation and 
exploitation. It may result in mere contacting, in exploit! ve finger- 
ing, or in grasping, followed by actual transfer. Such grasping, with 
subsequent transfer, occurred in half the infants at the age of 
28 weeks and in a quarter of the infants as early as 20 weeks. Very 
rarely (3 per cent) did grasping, followed by fortuitous transfer, 
occur at 16 weeks. 

Mouthing is another early form of exploitation, closely asso- 
ciated with manipulation. At 4 weeks almost SO per cent of the 
infants brought the rattle to the mouth. This number is doubled 
or more than doubled at 16 weeks and at the following age levels. 

The very word rattle suggests waving, shaking, and brandish- 
ing. It is time to say a word in regard to these forms of behavior. 
They do not appear in the record, however, until the age of 
16 weeks, when 16 per cent of the children are credited with waving. 
This percentage is doubled or slightly more than doubled at the 



118 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 17 

subsequent age levels up to 8 weeks. To what extent can this 
shaking be regarded as a true exploitation of the rattle? The same 
question might be asked with regard to similar behavior items 
such as (a) hand opening and closing while holding the rattle; 
(6) contacting the rattle with the free hand; (c) fingering the rattle; 
and even (d) mouthing the rattle. If the observer naively dramatizes 
the situation, all these manifestations of behavior take on the aspect 
of true exploitiveness. But we have already hinted at the possibility 
that similar behavior patterns assert themselves without the 
intervention of the rattle as a stimulus object. 

When the spontaneous activities of the infant in the supine 
situation, with and without the rattle, are compared, we find a high 
degree of parallelism in the behavior patterns with the exception 
of item d just mentioned. Cinema records show that at 4, 6, and 
12 weeks even opening and closing of the hand occurred with 
relative frequency in the simple supine situation, when no object 
was in the hand. 

Although the infant has no toy in the simple supine situation, he 
does have an opportunity to mouth his hand, and this tendency to 
mouth the hand may be compared with mouthing the rattle. 
Such a comparison shows that this hand-mouthing tendency with- 
out the rattle is quite similar to that with the rattle at 4, 6, and 
8 weeks. At 12 weeks, however, the tendency to rattle mouthing is 
over twice as strong, and at 16 weeks over thrice as strong as the 
tendency to simple hand mouthing. 

Although rattle behavior in so many ways resembles spontane- 
ous supine behavior, it would be an error to suppose that the 
rattle means very little to the infant. Indeed, as early as 4 weeks 
29 per cent of the infants respond in some way to the loss of the 
rattle (or the consequent sound) as soon as it drops from the hand. 
The response to loss of the rattle takes on various forms such as 
momentary startling, blinking, mild transient fussing, or even 
crying. The response tends to become better defined with age and at 
16 weeks 60 per cent of the infants definitely responded in some 
way to the loss of the rattle. Only 17 per cent, however, made any 
visual pursuit of the lost rattle at this age and only 11 per cent 
strained posturally toward the rattle; only 5 per cent regained the 
rattle when lost. 

These percentages undergo a definite increase at the subse- 
quent age levels. At 24 weeks half the infants pursue the lost rattle 
visually or by motor straining. At 28 weeks half of them regain 



18 TABLE TOP BEHAVIOR no 

the dropped rattle. The ability to recover the lost rattle is condi- 
tioned to some extent by the capacity to roll to the side. We find 
that 60 per cent of the 28 weeks-old infants do roll to the side 
during the rattle situation whether the rattle is in hand or out of 
hand. However, recovery depends on still other factors, for while 
42 per cent of the infants roll to the side at 16 weeks only 5 per cent 
actually regain the rattle. 

This simple bit of adaptive behavior, therefore, depends upon 
the organization of other than purely motor abilities. It is difficult 
to make any objective statement concerning the affective aspects 
of rattle behavior. With the exception of the few infants who at 
certain ages may be startled by abrupt sounds of the rattle, the 
situation is one which is generally enjoyed. It is significant that 
vocalization was observed in a rather large proportion of cases 
during the rattle situation at all age levels from 4 to 28 weeks. 
Such vocalization, largely expressive of satisfaction, was heard on 
the average in one child out of three at each age level. 

18. TABLE TOP BEHAVIOR 

(12 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 




FIG. 18. Table top behavior: 1 weeks and 16 weeks. 



The infant was placed in the examining chair, securely fastened 
by thte supportive band. The side rails were raised to the level of the 
infant's elbows. While the infant was sitting in the chair and look- 
ing in a forward direction, the examiner slowly brought the table 
top into a horizontal plane and placed it quietly and unobtrusively 
upon the side rails. If the infant's arms engaged the edge of the 
table top, they were disengaged and brought above the surface, 



120 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 18 

The examiner retreated to the rear of the crib ; no further stimulus 
was applied. 

Stimulus Factors 

It is psychologically naive and adultomorphic to suppose that 
the infant reacts to the examining table qua table. For him the 
whole world is furniture and there are no discrete articles of 
furniture made for instrumental uses. Not until he is sophisticated 
by persistent convention does he quiescently sit before a table 
waiting well manneredly for an examiner to deposit upon its surface 
an important test object. The table top itself is an expansive test 
object, possibly more vital to the infant than the psychological 
materials secondarily placed upon it. 

The table top offers to the infant a field for visual exploration 
and for tactile manipulation. It is not an indifferent surface. It is 
itself charged with primary stimulus factors which often prevail 
over those of the specific test objects. There is indeed a kind of 
stimulus rivalry between major table and minor object. The infant 
heeds first one, then the other; or he senses them both together; 
or he brings one into relation with the other, at first sketchily, 
perhaps confusedly, and only later consistently. These shifting 
emphases in the stimulus values of the table top are governed by 
developmental factors of maturity and experience. It is an interest- 
ing growth phenomenon to see how the table top in due season 
sinks to a secondary or subsidiary level in the infant's reactions. 

In early infancy, therefore, the table must be considered as 
being full part and parcel of the; total situation complex. Only 
toward the end of the first year of life does the infant begin to 
approximate the adult's perceptual reaction to the table as table. 
Prior to this time the table is more or less vaguely sensed as a 
surface with undefined boundaries, a surface which resists and 
resounds. But in its inner psychological essence we do not know 
when and how the infant actually perceives the table top. It is 
safer to suppose, even if it must be done hazily, that he perceives 
it with decidedly varying values as he matures, and that in some 
way these values arrange themselves into a developmental gradient. 

While the infant is mastering the properties and the conventions 
of the table top, he also becomes aware of new properties, if not 
conventions, of the floor; that is, the platform on which he sits. The 
floor competes with the table top as a working surface. If he is work- 



18 



TABLE TOP BEHAVIOR 



ing (that is, playing) with the cubes, for example, he brings them 
into exploitive relation with the platform or floor. There is thus set 
up a kind of ambivalence or even confusion between the table top 
and the floor. 

This ambivalence serves to remind us of the vast number of 
physical orientations which each infant must acquire. He is not 
born with topographic instincts, any more than he is born with 
the capacity to speak words. The distinction between floor and 
table is a social amenity which concerns the field of cultural anthro- 
pology and also the field of developmental psychology. The infant, 
like his primitive ancestors, achieves the distinction slowly. 

The infant's life begins within the womb; to its walls he must 
posturally adapt. After birth he must also " learn " to adapt to 
physical environs to a bed, arms, lap, floor, room walls, chair, 
table. The adult takes the conventions of furniture for granted. 
De velopmentally these conventions are extremely complex ; one 
might say they are so technical that the infant can attain them 
only gradually. The method of his "learning" is an unwritten 
chapter of his psychology. 

SITUATION: TABLE TOP (T) 



T 


Behavior items 


4 





8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Regards hands 








85 


H 


18 


10 




11 














2 


Hand to mouth 








$1 


9,7 


8 


8 


19 
















^ 


Hands engage in. mutual fingering 











H 


8 


8 


















4 










07 


f.fl 


S 




















5 


Hand" at table ed *e 








,?.? 


ft', 


97 


90 


97 


19 


14 


8 






4 




6 


Hand pronate on table top 










30 


9,7 


9,8 


w 


9,6 


89, 


9,1 


15 


9.1 


& 




7 


Exploits table top . 








61 


61 


60 


68 


85 


19 


7 


7 










8 










58 


89 


9,0 


98 


















9 


Scratches table top 








5 


9,5 


W 


,W 


10 


7 


7 












10 


Slaps table top . . 










4 


8 


89, 


62 


' W 


57 


/,,/> 


19 


21 


16 


16 


11 




















15 


15 


4 


7 


22 


25 


29 


12 


jo 












11 


10 


18 


88 


19 


n 


10 


14 


11 


14 


16 




Per cent to whom toy was given 










10 


18 


9,9 


69 


59 


68 


83 


82 


86 


68 


92 





































Reactions to the Table Top 

At 12 weeks over half the infants were observed to finger the 
table top; at 28 weeks this simple fingering was no longer noted. 
When we say that the 12 weeks infant fingers the table top, we 
imply too much. This fingering is not accompanied by regard; 
similar digital flexion occurs independently of the table top but the 
resistance of the table doubtless makes of this a simple tactile- 



'122 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 19 

motor pattern of response. In a similar way the 12 and also the 
16 weeks-old infant fingers, holds, and kneads the edge of the table 
top. Such manipulation of the edge is observed with diminishing 
frequency until 40 weeks of age. At 12 and at 16 weeks the hands 
of the infant may go to the mouth or engage at the mid line, or 
may mutually finger each other while he stares blankly ahead, 
possibly with no regard whatsoever for the table top. In a similar 
way over one-third of the infants at 12 and at 16 weeks stare 
preoccupiedly at their hands. 

However, when scratching, fingering, kneading, and raking are 
descriptively lumped into the single category "exploitation/' 
approximately two-thirds of all the infants from 12 through 
24 weeks of age reacted to the table top in a manipulatory manner. 
At 28 weeks when well-defined pronate application of the hand to 
the table-top surface becomes prominent, the attack upon the 
table top without a toy or implement wears the aspect of definite 
exploitation in which sight, sound, and tactility all may figure. 
In the age range from 28 weeks to 40 weeks, from 62 per cent to 
45 per cent of the infants slapped or banged the table top. 

The table top presents a hard, grayish surface, marked with 
several lines as indicated in the illustration. These lines were 
rarely reacted to by the infant. The broad expanse of surface 
supplies a neutral background for optical configurations, a sounding 
board for banging and scratching, and a stage for manual exploita- 
tions. At the close of the first year some infants "discover" that 
the table has a nether aspect. They thrust their hands beneath the 
table and carry objects under it. This is another reminder of the 
psychological complexity of the infant's physical surroundings. 
They remain utterly simple and axiomatic to us until we glimpse 
the infant's point of view. 

19. CONSECUTIVE CUBES BEHAVIOR 
(12 weeks~56 weeks) 

The Situation 

Stationed at the left rear corner of the crib, the examiner took 
the cubes from the container bag and transferred them to his smock 
pocket. Then he took a single cube and brought it circuitously 
below the farther margin of the table top. Holding it in the hori- 
zontal plane just above the table level, he slowly advanced the cube 



19 



CONSECUTIVE CUBES BEHAVIOR 128 



toward the infant. At the earlier age levels it was sometimes 
necessary to tap the cube against the table edge to elicit the infant's 
visual fixation. Using approximately two seconds to advance the 
cube from the far edge of the table top, the examiner placed the 
cube in the standard median position. He left the cube in this 
position for nine seconds if the child did not contact it, and then on 
the tenth second advanced the cube to the near median position, 
leaving it there for ten seconds if the child did not contact it. 
At the conclusion of the observation of the reactions to the first 
cube, the examiner placed the cube in the infant's left hand unless 
the infant had already spontaneously grasped the cube with the 
left hand. The examiner then presented the second cube in the 




FIG. 19. Consecutive cubes behavior: 20 weeks and 52 weeks. 

manner already described. After appropriate observation, a cube 
was placed in either hand of the infant and the examiner presented 
a third cube. 

Stimulus Factors 

The cubes are made of firm, white wood, one inch in dimension, 
and painted a bright, non-lustrous red. In the consecutive cube 
situation only three cubes are required. In later situations ten 
cubes are used. Long experience has convinced us that these cubes 
are well suited to the purposes of behavior observation and they 
figure prominently in our examination procedures for all children 
from 12 weeks to 6 years of age. The cube is psychologically a 
good play object, but it is also a prototype of the building stone 
which since primitive days has played a prominent role in the 
psychology of man's work. The gradation of reactions of the infant 



124 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 19 

to this time-honored vehicle of play and work, the building block or 
cube, reflects in outline the early infirmities and growth of human 
intelligence. 

To what extent the cube is also reacted to as a potential food 
object can only be conjectured. It goes to the mouth frequently 
enough, but the mouth is an organ of perception as well as of 
mastication, and the subjective aspect of the stimulus must remain 
in obscurity. The stimulus values will vary with age and dentition. 
The firm texture of the cubes gives them enhanced value under the 
stress of tooth eruption. 

In its physical properties the cube is well suited to the child's 
capabilities. The cube is not too large or too heavy to be easily 
prehended. It is, fortunately, too large to permit of swallowing, 
and yet it is small enough to enable the older infant to hold two 
cubes in one hand. It has a high degree of both stability and mobil- 
ity. The edges and corners of the cube add to its tactile and visual 
values. The opposed surfaces of the cube help to define, for the 
observer, the child's manual and digital orientation. The red 
color of the cube establishes a definite contrast against the light 
gray table top. The stability of the cube is such that as many as ten 
cubes may be built into a vertical tower when the cubes are super- 
imposed upon each other with approximate accuracy. The cubes 
make almost universal appeal. It is a highly exceptional infant who 
does not react positively to them whether presented singly or in 
massed formation. 

In considering the behavior elicited by the consecutive cubes it 
should be remembered that this situation comes near the very 
beginning of the developmental examination. This fact may some- 
times depress the reactions to the first cube; it is more likely to 
add the zest of novelty or even surprise. The presentation of two 
more cubes in succession tends strongly to add to the interest and 
to produce a warming-up effect. This procedure really gives the 
infant three opportunities to display his behavior patterns, and the 
examiner may take into account the whole period of the situation, 
as well as the distinctive reactions to the first, the second, and the 
third cube presentations. Each of these presentations virtually 
constitutes a separate situation because, from the standpoint of 
stimulus factors, it is interesting to inquire, What does the infant 
do when he has more than one cube at his disposal? Accordingly, 
the behavior items for consecutive cubes are tabulated for the 
individual presentations and also for the episode as a whole* 



519 CONSECUTIVE CUBES BEHAVIOR 125 

SITUATION: CONSECUTIVE CUBES (CC) 



CC 

1 


3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
80 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 
55 
56 
57 
58 
59 


Behavior items 


4 





8 


12 


16 





24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


Regards Examiner's withdrawing hand 
Shifts regard 








17 
78 

22 
17 
36 

22 

17 
9 

5 
85 

26 


21 
94 
44 
35 
69 
33 

15 
3 
21 

16 
11 

44 

17 
30 

11 
13 

63 

5 
3 

7 





32 
15 


16 
52 

16 
23 

32 
71 

30 


S3 
6 
42 
S3 

35 
3 

29 
57 

35 
3 

42 
13 

9 

71 

8 
6 

3 
20 

3 





28 
35 


7 
55 
10 
31 
14 
86 

30 
3 

27 
23 
62 
86 
24 
63 
18 

65 

17 
49 
30 
72 
44 
53 
42 
62 
20 

24 
3 

76 

39 
30 

13 
23 

7 
29 
3 





51 

38 



51 

20 
22 
14 
100 

46 
4 

50 
12 
70 
100 
12 
77 
32 
26 
100 
50 
69 
44 
92 
53 
58 
70 
88 
52 

28 
63 
19 

90 

71 
69 

8 
23 



12 





37 
33 


75 

28 

46 
3 
100 

74 
4 
41 
28 
14 
14 
100 
14 
82 
43 
36 
85 
48 
82 
50 
92 
25 
56 
35 
89 
40 

39 
75 

26 

89 

72 
63 

37 
36 
4 
14 
50 
48 
15 
22 
22 


42 
4 


44 
26 
26 

100 

41 
82 
7 
43 
3 

7 
100 

89 
45 
44 
100 
79 
89 
66 
100 

25 
70 
85 
37 

4S 
85 
32 

88 

87 
75 

43 
36 
22 
25 
66 
68 
39 
14 
43 
4 

30 

11 

11 
30 


73 

40 
30 

100 
76 
92 

20 
60 

3 
100 

96 
66 
41 
96 
93 
90 
63 
73 

20 
53 
90 
33 
23 
57 
73 
27 

86 

70 
60 



43 
40 
23 
27 
72 
77 

43 

17 
40 
10 


30 
57 
23 
33 
6 

33 


68 

25 
50 

100 
56 
92 
15 
65 


100 

87 
36 
50 
96 
88 
72 
48 
80 

35 
64 

80 
15 
15 
42 
92 
15 

27 
87 

80 
63 

15 

is 

46 
42 
36 
31 
73 
88 
35 
#7 
52 
27 
7 

20 
65 
34 
62 
7 

80 


85 
33 
52 

100 
60 

96 
15 
52 

100 

100 
47 
51 
96 
96 
90 
40 
90 

26 
63 
44 

11 
51 
60 
15 
20 
41 
81 
45 
95 
78 
S3 
19 
41 
37 
33 
26 
78 
67 
26 
22 
22 
19 
11 
8 
26 
65 
44 
58 
7 
11 
52 


SO 

24 
60 

100 
56 
68 
13 
55 

100 

95 

42 
59 
100 
90 
80 
15 
97 

26 
40 
40 
9 
8 
61 
57 
8 
16 
32 
80 
29 
93 
76 
21 
16 
55 
50 
55 
40 
79 
90 
47 
13 
32 
45 
24 
16 
16 
67 
32 
58 
16 
84 
60 


19 
81 

27 
54 

100 

27 
72 
8 
73 

100 

96 
69 
77 
96 
85 
97 
19 
100 

8 
50 

31 

8 
77 
65 

12 
8 
62 
96 

27 
80 
77 

4 

65 

38 
58 
21 
64 
92 
58 
8 
38 
50 
SI 
$5 

58 

27 
31 

12 
38 


Shifts regard to surroundings .... 


Shifts regard to Examiner 


Shifts regard to hand 


Approaches cube 


Approaches after delay . 


Approaches with one hand 
Approaches with index finger. . . . 


Ap. cube on T.T. with cube in hand on pre. 
Reaches for cube beyond reach 


Scratches table top (T.T.) 


Grasps without securing cube 


Grasps cube. . 


Grasps only one cube 


Grasps first and second cubes 


Grasps first, second, and third cubes. . . . 


Grasps cube in right hand 


Retains a cube in each hand 


Holds one cube and grasps another 
Grasps with thumb opposing fingers 


Inspects cube in hand 


Manipulates cubes 


Pushes or hits cube out of reach 


Pushes and pulls cubes on table top 


Bangs cube on table top 


Cube to mouth . , , 


Brings free hand to cube at mouth . 


Pokes cube 


Manip. cube above T.T. (ex. of transfer) , . 
Transfers cube 


Rotates cube 


Twiddles cube 


Picks up one cube after another 


Drops cube on table. . . 


Casts cube . 


If drops cube resecures it 




Br" be to ide rail 


Drops cube over side rail 


Carries or pursues cube to platform 




Brings cube to platform . 


Resecures cube from, platform 


If drops, resecures cube from platform. . . . 


B ' f to -ubes to ether 


Pushes cube with cube in hand. . , 


Hits cube on table top with cube in hand . 
Places cube in hand on cube on table top . . 


Offers cube to Examiner or mother 






Pivots - 


Turns to side rail 











126 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



19 



SITUATION: FIRST CUBE (CCl) 


CCl 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


Regards cube (s ni.p. or n.ni.p.) 








78 
57 

48 
43 
61 
48 
30 
4 
26 
39 
35 

48 
48 
52 
48 
78 
26 
22 

22 

22 


50 


15 
5 

50 


100 
80 
81 
25 
75 
79 
56 
S3 
37 
62 
38 

62 

17 
65 

48 
92 
48 
48 
81 
25 
30 
40 
6 
8 
60 
10 

23 

10 

54 
60 


97 

90 

27 
73 
33 
40 
27 
27 
27 
73 
30 
71 
17 
30 

43 

12 

90 
50 

34 
61 
33 
33 
81 
35 
3 

58 

37 

3 

47 
47 
13 


100 

97 

13 
77 
10 
27 
3 
27 
7 
93 
53 
100 
3 
10 

30 
13 

100 
83 

12 
90 
46 
77 
83 
53 
30 

80 

48 

19 

7 
43 
40 
28 


100 

96 


100 

4 

27 

12 

100 
89 

4 

27 
13 

100 
100 

100 

& 

96 
100 

42 
31 

100 
85 
54 
62 

4 
62 
60 

27 


100 

100 

4 
96 

37 


100 
89 

37 
3 

100 
100 

100 

19 
100 
100 

30 
32 
7 
100 

89 
57 

70 

18 

37 

27 
18 


100 

100 

100 

21 


100 
96 

21 

100 
100 

7 
100 
14 
100 
100 
21 
43 

11 

100 
68 

45 
64 

26 

29 
90 

S8 


100 
100 

o 

100 

40 


100 
93 

40 

100 
100 

7 
100 
3 
100 
100 
20 
33 
30 
100 
63 
53 
66 
28 

13 

23 
S3 


100 

100 

8 
92 

85 

100 
96 

35 

100 
100 

8 
100 

100 
100 
12 
J& 
8 
100 
54 
38 
65 
7 

27 
74 
W 


100 

100 

4 
96 

45 

100 
96 

45 

100 
100 

11 

100 

100 
100 

7 
41 
11 
100 

33 

4 
45 
26 

26 
100 
14 


100 

100 
8 
92 

63 

100 
92 

63 

100 
97 

13 
100 

100 
100 

26 
26 
13 
100 

37 
15 
42 
15 

32 
75 
3 


100 

100 

96 

65 

100 
100 

65 

100 
100 

12 
100 

100 
100 

15 
23 
7 
100 

19 

7 
38 

46 
59 

19 


Regards cube (n m.p.) 








Regards momentarily 


Regards recurrently . . .... 


Regards intermittently . . .... 


Regards prolongedly 




Regards actively 


Regards consistently 


Regards predominantly 


Regards Examiner's presenting hand .... 
Regards hand . . ... 


Regards hand predominantly 




Shifts regard from cube to hand 


Shifts regard to table top 


Arms increase activity 


Directs approach 


If approaches, approaches after delay 
Contacts. 


Dislodges on contact. 


Grasps ..;.-...... 


(In hand) holds actively 


^Manipulates on table top . . 


Bangs on table top . 


Rubs cube on table top or platform. 


Lifts cube. 7 


Brings cube to mouth 


Manipulates and mouths 
Transfers . 


Manip. above table top without trans 
Drops immediately 


Drops on table 


Resecures from table top 


Slaps table top 



SITUATION: SECOND CUBE (CC) 



CC2 



10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 



Behavior items 



Regards. 

Regards intermittently 

Regards passively , 

Regards actively. 

Directs approach to second cube 

Approaches after delay 

Drops first as second is presented. ... 

Retains first as second is presented 

Dislodges on contact 

Ap. sec. cube with cube in hand on pre. . . 

Grasps second cube , 

Manipulates cube on table top. ......... 

Bangs cube on table top. 

Brings cube to mouth 

Manipulates and mouths a cube 

Transfers a cube k 

Man. cube above table top without trans. 

Drops a cube on table top. 

Regecures a cube from table top. ...... 



85 



10 



60 



96 100 100 100 100 100 



65 



24 28 



84100 



44 



4 
4 

96 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 
97100 



32 36 



96 100 100 100 100 



40 44 



48 5(2 5(5 
100 100 100 100 



88100 



88 
SB 
24 
19 
56 
86 
64 
60100 



n 
u 



96 



519 



CONSECUTIVE CUBES BEHAVIOR 127 



SITUATION: THIRD CUBE (CCS) 



CC3 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 


Regards third cube 










87 
74 

13 

7 
7 
33 
14 

6 

20 

13 

47 



100 

47 
53 
5 
53 
37 
25 

5 

26 

10 

70 




90 

23 
67 

14 
57 
33 

48 

31 
8 
27 

23 

70 

24 


96 

12 
84 
4 
28 
52 
88 

36 
45 
60 

24 

12 

76 

49 


100 

100 

26 
45 
15 
89 
37 
45 
25 
59 
19 
33 
15 

26 
10 
79 
72 


100 

100 

25 
39 
29 
79 
43 
54 
37 
71 
9 
46 
32 
4 
36 
11 
64 
81 


100 

100 

7 
67 
10 
93 
57 
66 
16 
57 
23 
47 
40 
10 
62 
16 
70 
76 


100 

100 

17 
24 
8 
100 
63 
50 
30 
54 
13 
58 
38 
SO 
20 
23 
56 
66 


100 

100 

19 
45 
11 
85 
48 
56 
45 
63 
26 
37 
15 

30 
17 
63 
83 


100 

100 

34 
18 
8 
90 
55 
42 
29 
53 
18 
41 
29 
30 
8 
21 
61 
75 


100 

100 

32 
20 
20 
100 
68 
72 
28 
32 
12 
40 
37 
44 
16 
S2 
92 
52 


Regards passively 


Regards actively. 


Approaches after delay 


Drops one cube as third is presented 
Drops two cubes as third is presented 
Directs approach to third cube. 


Ap. third c. with c. in hand as third is pre. 
Grasps third cube 


Manipulates without grasping 


Manipulates cube on table top 


Bangs cube, 


Pushes or hits cube 


Hits cube on table top with cube in hand. 


Brings cube to mouth . 


Man. cube above table top without trans. 
Drops cube on table . . 







Behavior Trends 

Visual Regard. At 12 weeks less than one-quarter of the sub- 
jects fail to regard the single cube. At 16 weeks, all subjects 
regard the first cube. At 12 weeks, two-fifths of the infants show 
delay of regard; at 16, 20, and 24 .weeks about one in four shows 
delay. Capacity for visual regard is present even at 8 weeks but to 
what degree we have not investigated. At 28 weeks and thereafter 
immediate and consistent regard for the first cube becomes almost 
universal. These statements sum up the general course of visual 
regard. 

' Some shifting of regard is observed in the first cube situation 
at all ages but is most marked at the highest and lowest age levels. 
Needless to say, the younger infant "shifts" his regard for other 
reasons than does the older. At 12 weeks eight out of ten, and at 
16 weeks nine out of ten, infants shift regard from the cube to 
some competing focus like the table top, surroundings, own hand, 
or examiner. At these younger ages the shifts are twitch-like, and 
they go most frequently to the infant's own hand. At the advanced 
ages (52 and 56 weeks) these shifts are smoother and they appear 
more self -directed and less mechanical. They go preferentially to 
the examiner, and probably have a social as well as perceptual 
determination. But allowing for all of the deflections of visual 
regard at the extreme ages, there is a remarkable degree of sustained 



128 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 19 

preoccupation for the first and the consecutive cubes. As early as 
16 weeks the prevailing (that is, the preponderant) regard in 
two-thirds of the infants in the first cube situation is for the cube 
itself. 

At 12 weeks four infants out of five, and at 16 weeks five infants 
out of five, give regard to the cube. This means that at 12 weeks the 
infant is already beyond the nascent stage of cube perception. 
At 16 weeks the infant regards the cube more promptly and more 
frequently returns to the cube after eyes have wandered away. 
Momentary regard, however, is much more characteristic of both 
age levels than is prolonged regard. 

At 12 and 16 weeks, the infant's own hand is the most powerful 
rival as the focus of regard. In one-fourth of the children at 
12 weeks, and in one-half at 16 weeks, the regard shifts from the 
cube to the hand for several possible reasons : the hand has motion, 
is at a more favorable optical distance, is larger, or is more signif- 
icantly related to the apperceptual organization then dominant. 
For that matter, hand inspection may have a relatively specific, 
innate basis, comparable to the hand-to-mouth impulse. 

Hand inspection is a universal growth phenomenon among 
normal infants. It is not, however, to be interpreted as a fixed, 
hard and fast reflex. In its external form, this pattern of reaction 
changes obviously with age and with the expansion of associated 
patterns. The inner undiscernible aspects of the reaction also 
undergo change. Hand inspection fades out of the picture rapidly 
and has almost completely disappeared at 28 weeks. It becomes 
more snatchy as it becomes vestigial. At 20 weeks one infant in 
three, and at 24 weeks one infant in ten, may selectively regard his 
own hand (some time during the first cube situation); but if he 
does so to a conspicuous degree thereafter it is an atypical and 
sometimes an unfavorable developmental symptom. Exaggerated 
and intrusive stereotypy of hand inspection is often seen iix mental 
deficiency. 

Similarly a selective regard for the examiner's hand occurs in 
almost half the infants at 12 weeks but has almost entirely dropped 
out at 24 weeks. It is a more primitive focus of visual interest than 
the infant's own hand and possibly more important in the early 
stages of his helplessness. 

The distribution of regard in the cube situation does not lend 
itself to ready summary because the regard is complicated by rival 
cubes and at each succeeding age level by new drives of manipula- 



19 CONSECUTIVE CUBES BEHAVIOR 129 

tion, based on progressive changes in the sensorimotor equipment. 
Consistent (sustained) regard for the first cube arrives slowly and 
does not become fully established until about 28 weeks. At 16 and 
at weeks, approximately one child out of four displays an inter- 
mittent type of regard. This type of regard is almost entirely 
confined to these two age levels; it is too mature for 12 weeks, too 
immature for 24 weeks. A recurrent form of regard, however, is 
found at all age levels in from one- to two-fifths of the children up to 
52 weeks; and in two-thirds at 52 weeks and at 56 weeks. 

Because of its intimate dynamic and developmental association 
with the prehensory mechanism, the outward forms of regard show 
their most conspicuous changes from 12 to 24 weeks. It is significant 
that "active" regard, characterized by accompanying approach 
movements of arms and body, comes into sharp prominence at 
20 weeks in three-fourths of the infants; whereas a prolonged 
" passive ?> regard is most characteristic of 16 weeks. Such a 
prolongation of ocular fixation suggests that for an object of this 
size the primary oculomotor system is at this period coming to a 
stage of relative perfection; and this is such a complex area of 
pattern differentiation that the most overt prehensory adjust- 
ments are for the time subordinated. The infant must grasp 
(apprehend) and hold the cube with his eyes before he does so with 
his hands. And apparently he gains as much satisfaction out of 
the ocular as out of the later manual performance. By the age of 
24 weeks, passive regard is rarely seen, for he is already well on 
the path of prehension and manipulation. 

While the infant holds the first cube, a second is presented. 
This introduces an interesting rival focus in the attentional field. 
How does this new focus affect the distribution of regard? All the 
infants (from 16 weeks on) pay regard to the second cube. At 
16 weeks this regard is passive; at 20 weeks it is active; and it 
tends to be more intermittent for the second than for the first 
cube. This act of regard for the second cube influences the reaction 
to the cube in hand. At 16 and at 20 weeks seven out of ten children 
drop the first cube as the second is presented. This may be ac- 
counted for by the formative state of the eye-hand organization. 
Thereafter an increasing proportion of children, 80 per cent at 
32 weeks and finally all, retain the first cube as the second is 
presented. This ability represents a widening of the scope of the 
total behavior pattern through greater integrative control or 
systematization. It is not merely an additive increment; it is an 



130 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 1.9 

organizational one. At 32 weeks the infant may indeed ^be said 
to attend adequately to two cubes because he can continue his 
attention to the first (by maintenance of grasp) while he also pays 
regard to the second. At 16 weeks attention to the second cube 
tends to displace rather than to supplement attention to the first. 

At the age of 16 weeks and also at the 44 to 56 weeks ages the 
infant tends to hold to each cube in hand when a third cube is 
presented. The similarity in this behavior item at these divergent 
ages is only superficial. At the intervening ages he drops one or 
both on the presentation of the third cube. At the later age levels he 
sometimes appropriates the third cube while still holding the cube 
in hand. This tendency to seize two cubes in one hand increases 
with age. His regard is thus influenced by his motor capacity. 

The more refined differentiations in the distribution of regard 
will be suggested in the discussion of the exploitive aspects of 
cube behavior. These differentiations, although vaguely attributed 
to a function of exploitation, are genetically comparable to the 
more obvious patterns of regard which have been noted for the 
period from 1 to 24 weeks. In essence he is neither more nor less 
exploitive at the tenderer ages. 

In summary: (a) Regard for the cube is at first a perceptual 
reaction in very loose association with, the action system of pre- 
hension. (6) With the development of approach and grasp this 
association increases; visual apprehension and manual prehension 
become closely identified and occur almost as a single response. 
(c) Visual regard becomes somewhat freed so that visual fixation 
may take the lead, grasp following, and regard again shifts when 
prehension is achieved. The whole eye-hand field of behavior 
undergoes internal differentiations which multiply and refine but 
never lose connection with each other. 

The developmental changes in visual regard strongly suggest 
that attention is simply a function or dynamic manifestation of 
patterned structure. We are not dealing with a mysterious energy 
factor or a directing drive but are witnessing in the phenomena of 
attention the end result of progressive differentiations in the total 
sensorimotor system. To.be sure this involves associative and 
inhibitory mechanisms but these do not in any sense function 
independently; nor do they ever strictly initiate the responses. 
For they are themselves products of growth, historically built 
into the organ of unity of the infant, namely the total reaction 
pattern. It is for this reason that even the young infant may show 



19 CONSECUTIVE CUBES BEHAVIOR 131 

excellent attention or "concentration." His concentration repre- 
sents the active functioning of a pattern which is maturing; and 
if we knew the secrets of his inner life, we might find that he derives 
a genuine affective satisfaction out of early forms of eye-hand 
behavior which soon becomes automatic. 

Prehensory Approach. Hands and arms become active in the 
cube situation in nearly all infants at 12 weeks and at 16 weeks. 
This activity may or may not be coincident with regard for the 
cube, and it cannot always be determined whether the movements 
have an approach significance. In fact, in the prolonged regard 
somewhat characteristic of 16 weeks, these movements tend to 
subside, suggesting that defined visual perception is at this stage 
such a formative and complicated behavior process that the infant 
is not yet ready for a coordinated prehensory adjustment. Inter- 
mittent regard, characterized by short time shifts to and from the 
cube prior to approach, occurs in one child out of four at 16 weeks 
and at 20 weeks. 

Reckoning the entire consecutive cube situation, about one 
child in five at 12 weeks, and one in three at 16 weeks, makes what 
is apparently a directed approach upon a cube. Actual contacting 
of the cube occurs in one out of five at 12 weeks; two out of five 
at 16 weeks; and three out of five at 20 weeks; and virtually five out 
of five at 24 weeks and thereafter. The steady ascent of this curve 
of contact indicates that " reaching " is a complicated act which 
depends upon the gradual developmental perfection of the neuro- 
muscular mechanism. Even after successful grasping has become 
frequent or universal, approach is not always perfect; nearly half 
the children at 24 weeks and at 28 weeks displace the cube before 
seizure of it. Thereafter, however, such "inadequate contacting 
approach" becomes relatively rare or disappears. Unilaterality of 
approach increases with adequacy of approach. At 32 weeks three- 
fourths of the infants make a unilateral approach. 

Grasp. At 12 weeks grasp of the cube is in .a highly nascent 
stage. There is no spontaneous grasp, and even when the examiner 
inserts the cube firmly into the infant's hand about one-half of 
the infants hold the cube momentarily and briefly; the other half 
hold it more actively and prolongedly. No 12 weeks infant regards 
the cube while he holds it, so we may consider the perception- 
prehension coordination quite nonexistent at that age. 

Reckoning the entire cube situation, one child out of five at 
16 weeks, two out of five at 20 weeks, four out of five at 24 weeks, 



132 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 19 

and five out of five at 28 weeks spontaneously grasp a cube. Visual 
controls improve with this increasing frequency of grasp, but two- 
thirds of the infants at 24 weeks and 28 weeks make attempts to 
secure a cube which are unsuccessful. Such failures at later ages are 
rare because of improved visual judgment and motor precision. 

At 28 weeks a large proportion of the children apply the thumb 
to a lateral aspect of the cube, but without full thumb opposition, 
which matures gradually during the next three months. During 
this same period the ability to grasp a second cube while retaining 
the first undergoes improvement. At 24 weeks only one infant out of 
five showed this ability; at 36 weeks, four out of five. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. It is difficult to separate these 
two terms. Regarded from the standpoint of mere mechanics, 
manipulation might well be considered in relation to prehension 
as an elaborating manifestation of sensorimotor equipment. For 
example, when an infant reaches a given stage of maturity he 
brushes a cube in hand back and forth on the table top. Is he simply 
exercising a nascent manipulatory capacity, or is he utilizing this 
capacity to secure visual, auditory, and tactile satisfactions which 
he repeats and varies in an exploitive manner? If his reactions were 
purely repetitive they might be interpreted from the standpoint of 
the mechanics of manipulation, but since they have a latent or 
actual exploitive value in addition, we may as well discuss manipul- 
ation and adaptive exploitation together. To what extent the 
impulses and objectives of exploitation genetically precede and 
exceed the mechanical capacities of manipulation is a problem of 
theoretical importance. It borders on problems of insight, volition, 
and originativeness. For the present summary it is safest to regard 
the range of exploitation as almost identical with the range of 
manipulation. This is in accordance with our mechanistic assump- 
tion that attention is primarily a function of pattern morphology. 

The more elementary and primitive distributions of attention 
have already been discussed in connection with regard. We have 
noted that at 12 weeks the infant's own hand has an attentional 
value almost equal to that of the cube. At this age only half of 
the infants pay prevailing regard for the cube, but at 24 weeks all 
of the infants do so. At the latter age, effective though not perfected 
prehension is universally established among normal infants. 

It is interesting to note that as soon as grasping is thus estab- 
lished numerous forms of manipulation are at once manifested. 
The infant is not content simply to prehend but forthwith he 



19 CONSECUTIVE CUBES BEHAVIOR 133 

supplements prehension (or even substitutes it) with diverse 
activities. Twenty-eight weeks marks the age when numerous 
behavior items rise for the first time to normative frequency. 
The infant now transfers a cube from one hand to another (63 per 
cent); he resecures a dropped cube from the table (69 per cent); 
he bangs the cube on the table (70 per cent) ; he brings up his free 
hand to the cube at the mouth (53 per cent) ; he pushes or hits a 
cube out of reach (53 per cent) ; and tries to secure it when out of 
reach (50 per cent). Although these activities have been anticipated 
at M weeks, they are then less frequent and less defined; at the 
earlier age the act of prehension itself more completely dominated 
the behavior picture. 

Diverse and vigorous as these 28 weeks activities are, there is 
am<Mig them no evidence of well-defined combining activity. 
At 32 weeks, however, about half of the infants pick up a cube 
and inspect it and bring two cubes into some kind of combi- 
nation. This combining becomes more frequent, more defined, 
and more complex at subsequent age levels, though it often gives 
way to an exploitive manipulation restricted to a single cube, such 
as rotation with inspection (36 weeks), poking (40 weeks), twiddling 
(48 weeks). 

There is a quantitative aspect to the development of this com- 
bining activity which has genetic interest. An ideal normative 
progression from approximate zero goes somewhat as follows: (0) 
He does not bring two cubes together except fortuitously (8 weeks) . 
(1) He brings them together sketchily for a brief moment, repeating 
the sketchy approach intermittently (32 weeks). (2) He hits one 
cube on another in a more continuous, pursuant manner (44 weeks). 
(3) He places one cube definitely upon another with release 
(56 weeks). (4) He ranges multiple cubes in a horizontal row, say 
after 80 weeks. There is an extremely wide range of individual 
differences in the modes of exploitation, but certain activities like 
tower building are well-nigh universal among infants. The genetic 
antecedents of tower building are crudely suggested in the above 
summary but a close analysis of these antecedents will require a 
separate section. 

In a spatial sense, the range of exploitive activities increases 
with age. This is due to the fact that the infant's postural as well as 
his manual coordinations are growing. He "learns" to rotate his 
trunk, to pivot his sitting stance, and to bend his trunk forward 
and sideways, but not at the expense of manipulation, for simul- 



134 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 19 

taneously he exploits the environment with his cube. At 44 weeks he 
turns to the side rail while he continues to manipulate the cube on 
the table top; at 48 weeks he relates his activity to the side rail, 
bringing the cube to the rail or casting it overboard (casting is a 
primitive form of release which precedes controlled placement of 
one cube on another); at 5 weeks he drops the cubes onto the 
platform, pursues them there, or recovers them and restores them 
to the table top. Here we have another excellent illustration of 
the manner in which growth proceeds. New patterns differentiate 
with maturity but they never completely individuate; rather, 
they articulate or merge with concurrent patterns, and while 
they are thus combining yet newer patterns are differentiating, and 
these in turn will be assimilated to the consolidating total action 
system. 

The developmental changes in exploitive behavior are reflected 
in the general course of distribution of attention to the second and 
third cubes. All children even at 16 weeks give heed to the second 
cube, and nearly all to the third cube; but the regard is of a passive 
nature. At weeks, significantly enough, the infant's regard for 
the second cube is intermittent, showing that the regard itself is 
moving into the range of adaptive exploitation. But he tends to 
drop the first cube as the second is presented. This tendency 
declines in strength and at 3 weeks and thereafter he retains the 
first cube on presentation of the second. At 36 weeks there is almost 
an equal chance that on presentation of the third cube he will drop 
neither, both, or only one of the cubes he has in hand. At 40 
weeks he characteristically drops only one to secure the third; at 
44 weeks he holds fast to those that he has, approaching the third 
cube with a cube in hand. At 56 weeks, as already noted, this 
approach is supplemented by definite release: he places one cube 
on another and thus begins the tower building which he will 
extend and elaborate throughout the preschool years. 

By the end of the first year the exploitive cube behavior is so 
complex that it would take pages to rehearse in detail the different 
permutations of pattern displayed. This versatility need not be 
construed as an augmentation of a drive or of an instinct of 
exploitation. It is a genetic end product of the diversification and 
correlation of patterned action systems. These systems must be 
envisaged morphologically as well as dynamically. Acts of attention 
are kinetic manifestations of patterned structure. In this sense 
even exploitive behavior has a morphological aspect. 



MASSED CUBES BEHAVIOR 



135 



20. MASSED CUBES BEHAVIOR 

(16 weeks-60 weeks) 
The Situation 




FIG. 0. Massed cubes behavior: 16 weeks and 44 weeks. 

Using a cardboard screen to conceal the maneuver, the examiner 
assembled nine cubes into a solid square and placed the tenth on the 
middle cube. With moderate dispatch, the examiner advanced both 
the screen and the cubes toward the infant, quickly withdrawing 
the screen when the massed cubes were in the standard median 
position. If the infant did not contact the cubes after a period of 
10 seconds, the examiner advanced them to the near median 
position. 

Stimulus Factors 

The massed cube situation was devised as a variant of the 
consecutive cube situation. It was felt that the multiple cubes 
would disclose in various ways the infant's most elementary 
reactions to number, form, and arrangement. Since an architectural 
utilization of the cubes becomes 'a well-defined expression of later 
child play, it is of interest to inquire into the nascent and prenascent 
stages which precede orderly constructiveness and block building. 

The cubes are presented in geometric square formation three 
contiguous horizontal rows, with the central cube surmounted 
tower-wise by a capstone cube. With very moderate expenditure 
of energy the infant can decompose this formation into ten units. 
Does he react to the cubes as a mass ? Does ne give selective heed 
to the corner cubes or to the capstone cube? Does he show differ- 



136 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 20 

ential restraints in contacting the cubes ? When they are in disarray, 
does the multiplicity of building materials stimulate to special 
forms of construct! veness ? When, if ever, does he attempt to 
reconstitute the formation as he found it ? 

It is evident that a logical analysis of the possibilities raises 
many interesting questions concerning potential stimulus values. 
Some of these questions would yield to rather precise experimental 
study. With our own procedures the observations are not under 
uniform control. The course of behavior is naturally much in- 
fluenced by the very first dislocation of the cubes which the infant 
himself produces. However, the nature of this dislocation and the 
infant's reaction to it are the very items which have genetic 
interest. 

From the standpoint of purposive block building, the massed 
cubes situation is quite beyond the infant's capacities. Tke situa- 
tion is one which might well be reserved for the third or fourth 
year of life, when the child's performance becomes obviously 
responsive, adaptive, and easily scorable. Nevertheless, these 
matured abilities rest upon preparatory patterns which may be 
observed throughout the first year of life. 

The method of presenting the massed cubes carries with it 
elaborations which add considerably to the range of stimulus 
factors. The examiner conceals the assembly of the blocks with a 
pasteboard screen (size 8J^ by 11 in.). This screen itself becomes a 
stimulus factor. Preoccupation with the screen may lead to delayed 
regard of the cubes. The infant may even reach out for the screen. 
Later he gives subsidiary regard for the screen, restrains his reach- 
ing, and waits with anticipation. The reactions to the screen 
display interesting differences in personality and insight. 

The following summary will deal chiefly with reactions to the 
multiple cubes and will draw comparisons with the consecutive 
cubes situation. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. At 1 6 weeks the infant gives immediate regard to the 
massed cubes. His hands and arms apparently become more active 
than in the single cube situation. He regards the cubes fixedly, 
en masse; but he also scans the formation. Although his perceptual 
behavior is distinguishable from that for the single cube, his regard 
yields with similar frequency to the "distraction" of the table top, 



$20 



MASSED CUBES BEHAVIOR 



137 



SITUATION*: MASSED CUBES (CM) 



CM 


Behavior items 468 


12 


16 j 20 i 24 


28 


32 36 40 

i 


44 


.48 


52 


56 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 
55 
56 
57 
58 
59 
60 
61 
62 
63 
64 
65 
06 


Regards cardboard screen 
Readies for screen 










42 

58 

47 
37 
53 
26 
31 
42 
10 

63 

21 

47 

47 
5 

26 

31 

21 

26 
10 


64 

!? 

95 

18 

18 

45 

27 
14 
41 

95 

18 
14 
86 

77 
45 
5 

9 
18 

82 

14 
36 
14 

9 
5 
36 
83 

32 
5 



45 
9 

5 

82 
23 

14 

9 


85 

1 

100 

12 

27 
31 
8 
4 
62 
8 
100 
12 
23 
100 
8 
69 
77 
19 
12 

4 

31 

8 
19 
92 
27 
69 
38 
15 
23 
15 
50 
62 
31 
23 
15 
42 
8 

1 
77 

46 
15 
8 

96 

So 

4$ 
8 


93 
64 

11 

4 

25 

7 
28 

82 

21 
100 
7 
29 
100 
39 
36 
96 
36 
25 
18 
14 
4 
4 

4 
43 
11 
32 
SB 
68 
32 
96 
50 
32 
25 
14 
79 
14 
21 
25 
46 
61 
29 

14 

4 

4 

4 

2 
96 
75 
50 

29 
14 

7 

82 

14 

18 
6 


82 
68 

39 

21 
4 
18 

79 

39 
100 

4 
4 
100 
32 
18 
100 
54 
32 
29 
18 
7 
11 

7 
64 
35 
11 
21 
36 
43 
100 
36 
39 
32 
14 
79 
14 
8 
25 
54 
71 
29 

9 

7 

29 
25 

3 
100 
86 
64 

43 
14 
11 

79 

7 
7 
11 

7 


93 

75 
36 

18 
7 
14 

86 
54 
100 

4 
43 
100 
25 
11 
100 
32 
39 
25 
14 
7 
7 

7 
64 

21 

14 
39 
32 
100 
61 
32 
36 
29 
96 
7 

9 
57 
93 

43 

36 

7 

39 

39 

3 
100 
93 
71 

43 
11 
11 

4 
71 

14 
18 

25 
6 


87 
73 
50 

37 
10 
20 

83 
50 
100 

3 
10 
100 

13 
17 
100 
50 
60 
40 
17 
10 
17 
10 
7 
7 
80 
13 
13 

47 
33 
100 
50 
23 
37 
20 
83 


23 
70 
63 

4? 

57 

13 
3 
43 
37 
3 
3 
100 
93 
73 
57 
30 
IS 
10 
73 
20 
37 
27 
6 


59 

45 
36 

41 

22 
41 

74 
30 
100 

11 

100 

11 

100 

33 
70 

30 
22 
19 
30 
19 
11 
11 
85 
26 
4 
4 
37 
26 
100 
41 
19 
67 
22 
82 

4 
63 
70 

30 
4 
37 
26 
4 
53 
41 
4 
4 
100 
96 
67 
56 
41 
30 
19 
57 
22 
37 
41 
6 


83 

48 

21 

'21 
7 
14 

83 

38 
100 

24 
100 

7 
100 

24 
52 
17 
14 
38 
62 
45 
24 
38 
66 
14 

45 
35 
100 

24 
24 
45 
10 
100 

83 
83 

48 
SI 
38 
55 
38 
41 
14 
17 
5 
100 
97 
90 
76 
73 
52 
28 
83 
3 
SI 
45 
6 


63 

45 
18 

33 

7 
23 

63 

28 
100 

8 
100 

10 
15 
98 
30 
55 
8 
20 
25 
43 
33 
15 
25 
75 
33 
5 

40 
30 
98 
20 
28 
38 
13 
88 

63 

65 

38 
18 
25 
4$ 
18 
50 
S3 
28 
5 
95 
95 
83 
65 
45 
40 
33 
78 
3 
45 
15 
6 


70 

41 
7 

67 

41 

63 

37 
100 

15 
100 

100 

37 
33 
7 
7 
46 
56 
56 
4 
19 
67 
41 
4 

37 
19 
100 
4 
11 
41 
11 
89 

74 
78 
52 
15 
37 
56 
33 
30 
4 
19 
7 
100 
96 
82 
74= 
67 
56 
48 
70 
4 
56 
19 


Grasps screen 


Regards cube (s tn p ) 


Regards starily 


Regards intermittently, . 


Shifts regard 


Shifts regard to surroundings 


Shifts regard to Examiner 


Shifts regard to hand . . 


Shifts regard from cube to cube 


Pursues visually to platform or floor 
Arms increase activity 


Scratches table top . ... 


Slaps table top . . .... 


Contacts cube 


Reaches for cube out of reach 


Dislodges on contact. . . 


Grasps a cube 




Holds one cube arid grasps another 


Hold, two cubes, drops one as grasps an. 
Releases cube and immediately resecures it 
Grasps one cube after another 


Grasps one cube after an. using same hand 
Hold, one cube, grasps one cube after an. 
Hold, two cu., gr. one af. an. us. same hand 
Grasps one cube after an. con. to table top 
Holds two cubes 


Holds two cubes in one hand . ....... 




Pusfi.es cube out of reach 


Scatters cubes 


Hits cube to platform 


Lifts a cube 




BanJs cube on table too 


A^Canipulates cube above table top 








Drops one cube as attends to another 
Drops cube in hand as ap. or grasps another 


Drops cube oil table top 




Drops cube to floor 


Pursues cube to platform . . 




Casts cube 




Hits or pu. cu. on ta. top with cu. in hand 




Picks up one cube or more 




Picks up three or more cubes - - 








P" k u even or more cubes 


Disarranges cubes 










\erage 



surroundings, and his own hand. At 20 weeks, when the cubes 
are in disarray, two-fifths of the infants shifted regard from one 
cube to another. This shifting is better defined and more rapid at 
24 weeks, and was noted in two-thirds of the infants at that age. 
The cubes now receive almost all of the regard. Regard for sur- 
roundings is relatively slight at all ages after 24 weeks; but regard 



138 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 20 

for the examiner occurred in two-fifths of the infants both at 
44 weeks and at 56 weeks. Needless to say the factors which 
determine these distractions of regard do not remain the same from 
age to age. 

A selective perception of the capstone cube is at a nascent stage 
at about 48 weeks. By that age the infant has begun to inspect and 
to exploit the cubes in a discriminative manner. This suggests a 
more refined perceptual world than that which he enjoys at 
16 weeks, when characteristically he stares at the pile of cubes and 
at his own hands and only rarely shifts his regard from one cube to 
another. Little do we know about this inner perceptual world 
but it may be safely inferred in part from the gains in manip- 
ulatory and exploitive behavior outlined below. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. At 16 weeks a little over 
one-fourth of the infants contact the massed cubes, suggesting that 
the perceptual equipment is well in advance of the prehensory. 
At 20 weeks, however, four-fifths of the infants contact the cubes 
with sufficient force to scatter them; two-fifths grasp a cube holding 
it momentarily. The grasp is chiefly on contact. At 24 weeks the 
grasp is initiated on visual cue. Though the approach is frequently 
ineffectual, seven out of ten children grasp a cube. The grasp, how- 
ever, is still limited to one cube; therefore he does not secure a 
second cube while retaining the first. Even at 28 weeks only two- 
fifths of the infants held two cubes, one in either hand. 

There is a great deal of scattering of the cubes at 28 weeks and a 
tendency to push them out of reach. The infant shifts his activity 
rapidly and freely from one cube to another; he frequently reaches 
for a remote, inaccessible cube. In quick succession he reacts to 
individual cubes, dropping one to pick up or to push the next. 
The multiplicity of cubes thus definitely influences the course of his 
activity, but if anything he gives less combining attention to two 
cubes than he does in the consecutive cubes situation. 

At 32 weeks there is somewhat less scattering and more 
tendency to exploit two cubes at one time. The infant now holds 
two cubes simultaneously prehending them at the same time or 
dropping one to pick up another. There is less abandoned hitting 
than at 28 weeks. Two-fifths of the infants hit cubes to the platform 
and bang them on the table top. Here again the patterns of per- 
formance bear considerable resemblance to that of the consecutive 
cubes situation. The mere multiplicity of cubes has not operated 
to increase the range and incidence of combining activity. 



20 MASSED CUBES BEHAVIOR 139 

At 36 weeks apparent combining is more prominent because 
the infant so definitely tends to hold one cube while he contacts, 
pushes, or bangs another. He is more pursuant in his regard, 
following the cube to the platform if it falls, and sustaining contact 
with it for longer periods. But again this is in no sense a by-product 
of the numerous array of cubes, because he displayed a similar 
combining behavior in the two and three cubes situations. In 
general his reactions are largely confined to a single cube which he 
mouths repeatedly, inspects on withdrawal from mouth, manipu- 
lates, and transfers. Mere multiplicity of cubes does not much 
alter his immediate patterns or propensities. Accordingly he is 
rather prone to slap the table top, even when he might well busy 
himself with the cubes. 

At 40 weeks the periphery of his activity shows some expansion. 
He grabs for the screen as it is withdrawn by the examiner. He 
brings the platform into the range of his exploitation and carries on 
some activity with the cube in relation to the platform. He strongly 
tends to possess and to utilize two cubes. Holding one cube he 
characteristically grasps another. Holding two cubes he drops only 
one to pick up another. 

At 44 weeks exploitational activity with one or two cubes is 
characteristic. This activity tends to be restricted in its scope and 
the multiple cubes are less scattered at this age than at any other, 
with the exception of 12 weeks. The manipulation is diversified 
and includes fingering, poking, transfer, transient waving, chewing, 
or rubbing against the teeth, occasional hitting of two cubes above 
the table top, and even a simple form of release with resecural. 
Vocalizations and shifting of regard to the examiner occur fre- 
quently. In general these behavior pictures are similar to those 
shown in the simpler consecutive cube situation, but the output of 
exploitational activity seems to be increased by the greater richness 
of the multiple cubes. 

In the summary of cup and cubes behavior, it will be pointed 
out that 48 weeks marks the age when the infant "discovers" 
the cavitation of the upright cup. Similarly at 48 weeks he gives 
evidence of a maturing perception of "aboveness" and "below- 
ness." We infer this from the fact that occasionally the infant will 
now selectively grasp and remove the capstone block from the 
rest. This simple bit of motor discriminativeness, so conspicuously 
absent at earlier age levels, denotes a significant developmental 
gain in the Infant's perceptual world. Concurrently he is gaining 



140 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 20 

a mastery In the art of release. He now picks up one cube after 
another from the table top, or he picks up the same cube twice or 
thrice, replacing it in different positions. Sometimes in this act of 
replacement his hand hovers momentarily but auspiciously above 
another cube. This behavior item has genetic promise because it 
leads presently to the elementary comprehension and building of 
towers. 

The infant's physical world near the close of the first year is 
already slightly more externalized. He gives somewhat less atten- 
tion to the cube in hand, mouthing is much less prominent. He is 
"learning" to release his hold of what he has in hand, a capacity 
of great importance in higher spheres of behavior. He exercises 
this capacity with a single cube and still more abundantly with 
multiple cubes at his disposal. 

At 52 weeks and at 56 weeks the releasing capacity shows 
greater efficiency and elaboration. Even though he may be under a 
gross locomotive urge to pivot to the side, to kneel, to creep, or to 
stand, he yet pursues the several cubes in turn, picking up one after 
the other, poising or placing one over another, or otherwise 
exploiting them. In other words, the locomotive activity does not 
cancel his cube behavior trends, but simply complicates or elabo- 
rates the resultant pattern. His activity with the cubes is more 
sustained. His psychomotor orientation to the total situation is 
more inclusive. He seems to perceive the cubes as an aggregation 
as well as serially, and he brings both table top and platform more 
deliberately into his sphere of influence. At 56 weeks he may 
carry the cubes one by one by definite placement to the platform 
and in the same way restore them to the table top. At this age also 
he may extend one cube after another to the examiner. Such 
behavior in its serial repetitiveness is somewhat peculiar to the 
multiple cube situation and shows that the infant is now develop- 
mentally ready to take a new advantage of the environmental 
fact of multiplicity. At 52 and 56 weeks it is also more common 
for him to pick up two cubes at one grasp and to hold two in one 
hand. 

Whatever the "number sense" of the one year old infant may 
be, he is now manifesting psychogenetic changes which have to 
do with the ultimate essence of number. With the cubes at least 
he is putting one and one, if not two and two, together. In their 
entirety the responses to thie multiple cube situation have proved 
to be highly comparable to those in the more simple situation 



21 



TOWER BUILDING BEHAVIOR 



141 



where cubes are presented consecutively. This Itself" Is a fact of 
significance. But the distinctive behavior trends which the multiple 
cubes have disclosed are also of significance. As he matures the 
infant takes increasing and more ordered relations to multiple 
stimuli of a similar kind. Even the crude arithmetical averages 
of the number of cubes picked up per child per age level are 
indicative. The averages show a steady rise from 0.6 of a cube at 
weeks to 7.1 cubes at 56 weeks. 

21. TOWER BUILDING BEHAVIOR 
(44 weeks 60 weeks) 
The Situation 




FIG. 21. Tower building behavior: 5& weeks. 

At the conclusion of the massed cube situation, the examiner 
removed all but four cubes. With moderately rapid maneuver he 
built a demonstration tower of two blocks near the farther margin 
of the table, securing the infant's visual attention to the demonstra- 
tion. The examiner then placed the third cube in the near median 
position and proffered the fourth cube to the infant. The examiner 
attempted to secure responsive behavior by gesture, comment, and 
repeated building of the demonstration tower either in the far 
median position or in the standard median position. 

Stimulus Factors 

Tower building from the standpoint of child psychology repre- 
sents a situation of considerable interest, both genetic and norma- 
tive. The rearing of stone upon stone leads in primitive culture 
to the discovery and application of principles of engineering. It 



142 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 21 

is instructive to note the nature of the difficulties which the infant 
exhibits at the threshold of his engineering problems. Tower 
building also has special interest from the standpoint of compara- 
tive psychology because the higher primates stack one object 
upon another both in play and in practical emergency. 

Block building has significance not only as a performance test 
but as a key to the maturity of the child's perceptual organization. 
His geometric arrangement of cubes is not so much determined by 
manipulatory skill as by a regulative sense of form. Tower building, 
therefore, represents one of the most elementary problems of 
geometry, not incomparable to the task of drawing a vertical line 
spontaneously, after demonstration, or from a model. 

The genetic antecedents of tower building have already been 
touched upon in the summary of the consecutive cubes and 
massed cubes situations. In these situations spontaneous tower 
building patterns had ample opportunity to assert themselves. 
The present summary is concerned with tower building under the 
influence of demonstration. 

The demonstration tower was included in the normative ex- 
amination of from 9 to 25 infants at the five age levels from 
40 weeks to 56 weeks. It was found that variations in procedure had 
a palpable influence on the stimulus values of the situation. When 
the demonstration tower was built well out of reach of the infant, 
his interest in the tower and his responsive behavior were not so 
well defined. When the demonstration tower was accessible it 
often became the focus of activity. His incipient tower building 
might express itself by an attempt to place a cube on the examiner's 
tower. The older child is much more immune to such apparently 
innocent variations of procedure. When a function is in a state 
of nascency, the performance is more susceptible to slight dif- 
ferences in the relata. The infant is so far removed from a con- 
ceptual generalization of "tower" that his behavior is highly 
contingent on the arrangement of the stimulus factors. To 
unmake a tower of two blocks and then to recombine them 
is for the infant an easier task than to take two separate 
blocks and accomplish the same combination. The tower building 
situation needs to be explored with more controlled regard for 
these stimulus factors, but our present data show a sufficiently 
consistent trend to warrant brief summary of the responsiveness 
to demonstration.. 



TOWER BUILDING BEHAVIOR 



143 



SITUATION: TOWER BUILDING (Ct) 



Ct 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

2 


Ap. cube on table top with cube in hand. . 
Hits or pushes cube with cube 






















45 
}T 


44 
SS 


75 

W 


76 

98 


86 




3 


Places cube on cube 






















q 


n 


40 


40 


79 


4 


Releases cube on cube 

























n 


<"> 


Ifi 


4<? 


5 


Postural activity 






















10 


14 


00 


14 


50 





































Behavior Trends 

Response to Demonstration. At 40 weeks and at 44 weeks the 
infant regards the examiner's act of demonstration but apparently 
alters his subsequent activity slightly if at all. One cube is already 
on the table and another in his hand; the examiner gestures, 
commands, and points both to the base cube and to the tower, but 
in vain. Almost half the children merely approach the cube on the 
table top with the cube in hand but without adaptive combining. 
The model tower may also be approached; combining, if it takes 
place, resembles that which occurs in the simple consecutive 
cube situation. At best the infant picks a cube from the tower 
and pushes one cube with another. 

At 48 weeks, however, as already noted in connection with the 
massed cubes, there are symptoms of a dawning sense of "above- 
ness" or of "vertically." He may pick off the top cube of the 
tower; he may hold one cube immediately above another, some- 
times even with release. It is this poising of the hand and holding 
one cube above another which imparts an aspect of responsiveness 
to his behavior, but we must recall that he reacted similarly (in 
the massed and consecutive cube situations) without the aid of 
demonstration. Forty-eight weeks is the peak age for lifting the 
top cube from off the demonstration tower in the near median 
position. Such discriminative removal of the top cube, which 
itself signifies a rudimentary sense of 'twoness, developmental^ 
precedes the deliberate bringing of one cube over another. Un- 
making a tower is part of the network of ability required for 
rearing one. Genetically it may be said that it is impossible to 
build a tower unless one has first learned to unbuild a tower. 

At 5 weeks this responsiveness is typically more adaptive. 
He may remove the top cube from the tower and then attempt to 
replace it. More often he combines the cube in hand with the 
single cube before him. This combining is varied and may include 



144 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 22 

pushing or brushing, but at interruptive moments he holds one 
cube rather definitely above another, with or without release. If 
he releases it the cube usually falls amiss. 

At 56 weeks he responds in much the same way except that the 
tower reaction is less momentary, less sporadic. It is already be- 
coming persistent and repetitive and perhaps one child out of 
three actually succeeds in constructing a tower. Almost all the 
infants at this age at least attempt some kind of superimposing. 
At 60 weeks the pattern is more decisive. 

The gradualness with which this ability is acquired indicates 
the presence of complicated maturational factors. In older children 
we have observed the same phenomena. The child of 18 months 
may build a well-balanced tower of four blocks but he must 
double his age before he builds a simple, bridge of three. A pair 
of monozygotic twins may each, with identical facility, build a 
gateway of five blocks but will be equally nonplussed by the 
task of building a simple stairway of ten blocks. In another year 
they will "come by" this ability through processes of growth highly 
comparable with those by which they mastered their first tower of 
two. 

&2. CUP BEHAVIOE 

(1% weeks-36 weeks) 

The Situation 




FIG. %%.' Cup behavior: 12 weeks and 8 weeks. 



The examiner presented the inverted cup with the handle 
pointing toward the child, placing the cup in the standard median 
position and if necessary in the near median position, in accordance 
with general procedure. 



22 CUP BEHAVIOR 145 

Stimulus Factors 

The cup is inverted when it is presented and it rests on its 
rim. Its size, its smooth, white surface with glistening high lights, 
and the handle of contrasting blue color impart to the cup a wide 
range of appeal for the infant. On the basis of our observations 
there can be no doubt that the cup has more provocative visual 
properties than the cube for infants 12 weeks old. 

Although the cup is moderately heavy it moves with great 
ease when in the inverted position. This makes special prehensory 
difficulties and places some premium on bilateral manipulation. 
The circumference and curving sides of the cup also create special 
prehensory problems. Under these conditions adaptive utilization 
of the handle may be regarded as a primitive form of tool percep- 
tion. Although the inverted cup situation has yielded interesting 
observations on this point, the reaction to the handle is complicated 
by other factors which embarrass the interpretation. The inverted 
placement of the cup, however, serves to reveal the mechanism 
of lifting and the trend toward turning the cup right side up. 

To what extent the reactions of the infant to the cup are 
influenced by home experience in feeding it is difficult to say. 
Home practices vary a great deal with respect to the infant's 
independence in managing the cup. A few infants bring the cup 
to the mouth as though to drink, but in general they manipulate 
it as though it were an object for physical exploitation, unrestrained 
by any feeding conventions. 

When the inverted cup is reversed and placed in normal 
position, its stimulus values and exploitational possibilities are 
increased. The blue enameled circular rim then stands out con- 
trastively and presents a firm edge for grasping. The bowl of the 
cup permits and invites insertion of the fingers or the full hand. 
And if the cup is seized and lifted, the rounded edge of the rim 
provides an invitation for biting. Once lifted, the cup may be 
exploited in manifold permutations above the table top, or it may 
be brought onto the table top with a banging staccato and shoved 
about with a less noisy sliding movement; or the cup may lodge 
on its side where it may be made to rock with a clinking sound. 
All of these possibilities the exploitive infant pursues by happy 
chance or intent. The diversity of the possibilities is so great 
that it is difficult to reduce them all to a normative status, but 
this very diversity yields suggestive observations. Moreover a 



146 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



study of the stimulus values of the cup and of the spoon as separate 
objects serves to define the import of the distinctive patterns 
which arise when these two objects are presented in association. 

SITUATION: CUP (Cp) 



C P 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 

21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
"32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


Regards immediately 
Regards momentarily 
Regards recurrently 








81 

37 
44 
56 
37 
73 

80 
40 
47 
20 
75 
50 
86 
44 
6 
25 
6 
85 
6 

44 
6 
25 

.6 


89 

22 
68 
69 
57 
93 
5 
73 
3t> 
45 
28 
79 
21 
67 
79 
25 
55 
13 
S3 
11 
5 
67 
15 
52 
9 

5 
14 

7 


97 

9 

28 

47 
94 
38 
31 
6 
13 
15 
78 

72 

44 

34 
25 

69 

53 

13 
22 
3 
9 
6 

6 
31 
19 
3 
6 
6 
6 
3 

3 
3 

6 
3 
6 

12 


100 

21 

c 

100 
66 

23 

e 

7 
93 

91 
81 

41 
38 

91 

50 
52 
53 

28 
35 

24 

31 
30 

24 
6 

m 

45 
35 
24 
21 
3 
35 

3 

38 
7 

27, 


100 

4 

100 
100 

10 

100 

100 
96 

69 
56 

100 

38 
85 
52 
83 
52 
56 
45 
59 

41 
33 
37 
14 
82 
59 
63 
67 
26 
63 
19 
56 
3 
63 
15 
7 


100 

18 

100 
100 

25 

4 

100 

100 
100 

50 
64 

100 

29 
100 
36 
32 
75 
50 
64 
92 
3 
50 
36 
17 
100 
79 
60 
86 
18 
46 
43 
71 
21 
61 
50 
18 


100 

15 

100 
100 

23 

15 

100 

100 
100 

50 
58 

100 

8 
100 
42 
31 
69 
42 
62 
81 
4 
31 
58 
8 
100 
81 
66 
89 
35 
46 

4* 
62 

31 
42 
19 
11 












Regards prolongedly (n.m.p.) 


Regards prolongedly 




Regards consistently. 


Shifts regard . . . . . ... 


Shifts regErd to surroundings 


Shifts regard to hand 


Shifts regard from cup to hand 


Arm increases activity (s.p. or n.m.p.). . . . 
Brings hand to mouth (s.p. or n.m.p.) 
Hands active on table top (s.p. or n.m.p.) 




Approaches promptly (n.m.p.) 
Approaches promptly . .... 


Approaches after delay (n.m.p.) 


Approaches with both hands .... 


Approaches handle first 


Contacts (n m p.) 


Contacts 


Dislodges on contact (n.m.p.)... 


Dislodges on contact 


Grasps 


Grasps with both hands (n.m.p. or s.p.). . . 
Grasps with both hands 


Grasps with one hand 


Manipulates with hands encircling cup. . . . 
Manipulates grasping by rim 


Manipulates grasping by handle 


Pushes or hits ... 


Pushes or drags cup. , 


Bangs on table top 


Turns cup over on table top. 


Lifts cup . . 


Lifts by handle 


Brings to mouth , 


Manipulates above table top 


Manipulates initially above table top. .... 
Holds with both hands 


Transfers 


Turns cup right side up 


Rotates.... 


Drops , ... 


Drops and resecures. 


Fusses. . ..... 





Behavior Trends 

Regard. The cup falls' well within the range of perceptual 
abilities of the 12 weeks-old infant. Characteristically he gives 



22 CUP BEHAVIOR 147 

Immediate, prolonged, and recurrent regard. This regard, particu- 
larly In the near median position, Is more ready, more prolonged, 
and better defined than that which he pays to the cube. Shifts 
of regard, however, are frequent and are chiefly directed to the 
Infant's own hands. The examiner's hands elicit less attention 
than in the cube situation. Pronounced shifts of regard also occur 
at 16 weeks, but thereafter they are less frequent. These shifts 
are most often to the child's own hands. Even when he has just 
been regarding the cup staringly the ocular fixation may dart 
to his hand. At 16 weeks the cup regard is often of an absorbed, 
starey nature. At 20 weeks there is less shift of regard. With his 
improved head control the shifts wiiich do occur are less confined 
to table top and hands, and include examiner or surroundings. 
The regard is now more sustained and more Inspectional; it follows 
the cup when the cup moves from contacting. But not until 
24 weeks do two-thirds of the infants pay the consistent regard 
which is universal at the later age levels. Selective regard for the 
handle, which appears at 20 weeks, is present in half of the infants 
at 24 weeks and becomes increasingly defined at subsequent ages. 

Approach and Grasp. The prehensory response to the cup is 
significantly obscure at 12 weeks. Hands and arms are active in 
three-fourths of the children while the cup is regarded. Such 
activity may occur even without cup regard but is apparently 
increased by the presence of the cup, particularly when the cup is 
placed in the near median position. The arm activity is rather 
gross, jerky, and undirected, and in half of the infants the hand 
goes to the mouth/None the less it would be unwarrantable to 
call these movements random or fortuitous. They suggest a 
rudimentary form of prehensory approach which results in actual 
contact of the cup In almost half of the infants observed. 

At 16 weeks the approach movements are more directed, more 
prompt, and more vigorous; two-thirds of the infants contact the 
cup in the near median position. However, there is still a greater 
tendency for the hands to come to the mouth Instead of to the cup. 
This testifies to the immaturity of the approach mechanism; 
but there is visual pursuit when the infant dislodges the cup from 
position, an early token of eye-hand coordination. 

The scope of the approach movements is restricted at 16 weeks. 
Contacting with displacement of the cup in the near median posi- 
tion occurs in half of the infants; whereas in the standard position 
only a few (one-tenth) establish such a contact. At 20 weeks, 



148 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 22 

seven out of ten infants contact the cup in the standard position, 
and half the infants dislodge the cup in contacting, sometimes so 
forcibly as to send it out of reach. The approach is character- 
istically upon the sides of the cup, rarely to the handle. 

At 24 weeks prompt approach with contact becomes highly 
characteristic, but actual grasp occurs in only half of the infants 
and frequently the cup is displaced in contacting. With one hand 
on the bowl the infant may move the cup about, but whether 
this represents abortive prehension or a form of manipulation 
is not clear. Grasping and lifting appear to be a real problem and 
fully one-fourth of the infants at this age fussed during the situa- 
tion. One-half lifted the cup slightly above the table top chiefly 
with aid of the handle. 

As in other situations, 28 weeks witnesses a marked increment 
in behavior capacities. Virtually all the infants approach promptly; 
eight out of ten grasp and lift the cup. The lifting is higher and 
accomplished with greater ease. The approach is characteristically 
bilateral (seven out of ten) but approximately six out of ten attain 
the handle, flex upon it, and lift the cup by the handle. Dropping 
of the cup occurs with similar frequency. Grasping sometimes 
occurs by clasping on the rim. It is characteristic to use both 
hands in holding the cup. 

At 32 weeks it is highly characteristic to grasp at the outset 
with one hand, to make an approach upon the handle, to clasp 
it, and to lift the cup either with or without the aid of the other 
hand. There is no marked change at 36 weeks, but the handle is 
used more selectively and the thumb participates more fully. 
There is less manipulation before lifting. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. Exploitation of the cup is 
limited by the powers of manipulation. At 12 weeks, the "interest " 
is visual; at 16 weeks it is still chiefly visual but the eyes follow 
in pursuit of the cup when it moves. The recurrency of regard at 
this age is a form of circular activity comparable to the repetitive 
manipulation of later ages. 

At 16 weeks the manual contacts are rather brief and sketchy 
but at 20 weeks the hand clings more to the cup with greater 
consequent moving or dragging about of the cup, simulating 
manipulation. The cup dominates the attention. 

Twenty weeks is just above the zero level for lifting, an ability 
which rises sharply and uniformly, reaching universality at 
32 weeks. Lifting is itself a kind of exploitation which as such 



23. SPOON BEHAVIOR 149 

preoccupies the child. But as the lifting is mastered other forms 
of closely associated exploitation come into the behavior picture. 

At 24 weeks the cup is usually dragged a bit before lifting. The 
infant cannot hold it aloft long or high; he manipulates it again 
on the table top but the range of activity is meager. He drags 
or rolls it over on the side and perhaps crudely thrusts the hand 
into the bowl. Mouthing is occasional. 

At 28 weeks the manipulation becomes markedly diversified. 
Two or three different types of activity occur with more or less 
recurrence. Typically he moves the cup about briefly on the table 
top prior to grasp, then grasps it (often by the handle), lifts it 
to the mouth, mouths it, turns it over while at the mouth, chews 
the rim and handle, withdraws it, transfers, brandishes it above 
or on the table. In this process the inverted cup is frequently 
turned over and placed in right-side-up position. The activity is so 
vigorous and unrestrained that the cup frequently is sent beyond 
reach. 

At 32 weeks the manipulations are more restrained. The cup is 
more frequently resecured after release. Rotational manipulation 
and transfer are more common. Holding hands upon the rim is very 
characteristic. Mouthing is about as frequent as at 28 weeks, but 
it is less pronounced and prolonged. It gives way to varied modes 
of manipulation both on and above the table top. 

At 36 weeks these manipulatory modes are still present but 
with perceptible changes in form and accent. The rotation is 
more complete and may result in repeated turning of the cup 
end-for-end. Banging is very pronounced; fingering and intent 
inspection during manipulation are more evident. At this age 
the pattern of lifting and mouthing begins to approximate a true 
raising to the lips for drinking; the emptiness of the cup, however, 
obscures the full expression of this ability. Naturalistic obser- 
vations of the behavior with a milk-filled cup show that 36 weeks 
marks the nascent stage of self-dependence. For brief periods 
during feeding the infant holds the cup without assistance. 

23. SPOON BEHAVIOR 

(16 weeks-36 weeks) 

The Situation 

Holding the handle horizontally directed toward the infant, 
the examiner presented the spoon and placed it in the standard 



150 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 23 

position after the manner of presentation described for the first 
cube. 

Stimulus Factors 

The spoon possesses distinctive perceptual and manipulatory 
characteristics. Under the conditions of the examination the spoon 
is reacted to as a play object with some possible reinforcement from 
feeding associations. The physical difference between the bowl 
and the handle of the spoon may reveal the presence or absence 
of discrimination in the child's manipulation. The placement of 
the length of the handle in the median plane may elicit orienta- 
tional adjustment in approach and grasp. At the higher age levels 




FIG. 23. Spoon behavior: 16 weeks and 24 weeks. 

the use of the spoon as a drum stick or lever may come into expres- 
sion. It is effective for banging, mouthing, and chewing. Being a 
slender object it requires special adjustments in mouthing. The 
infant's unconcern or his difficulties in these adjustments serve to 
reveal limitations in the geometry of his perceptions. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. Even at 16 weeks the spoon elicits prevailing or 
predominant regard throughout the situation. At 16 weeks 
eight children out of ten, at weeks nine children out of ten, 
and thereafter virtually all children prevailingly regard the spoon. 
Immediate regard occurs with similar frequencies at these age 
levels. The percentages definitely suggest that the spoon is some- 
what more potent than the single cube in arousing full regard at 
the younger age levels/Consistent regard, however, occurs in 
only one.child out of ten at 16 weeks. Even at weeks it occurs 



23 



SPOON BEHAVIOR 



151 



SITUATION': SPOON- (Sp) 



SP 


Behavior items 


* 


6 





12 | 16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Regards immediately 










83 

SO 
37 
55 
83 
10 
59 
20 
27 
83 
43 
17 
17 
10 
23 
20 
50 
30 
10 

11 
100 

3 

7 

30 
7 

10 
3 

22 


85 

33 
42 
59 
91 
21 
55 
6 
24 
91 
53 
24 
30 

30 
27 
67 
S3 
30 
13 
43 
18 
60 

9 

27 
3 
46 
9 
9 
31 
21 
45 
3 

6 
18 
6 

12 


93 

10 
23 
97 
80 
21 
3 
10 
97 
90 
60 
20 
10 
3 
87 
93 
32 
77 
39 
50 
32 
41 

43 
17 
23 
23 
7 
29 
77 
57 
50 
26 

16 
36 

7 
16 


100 

4 
15 

100 
100 

22 
12 
4 
100 
100 
44 
45 
11 
4 
96 
100 
38 
100 
33 
33 
48 
48 
7 
37 
SO 
33 
19 
48 
22 
100 
92 
24 
70 
27 
42 
55 
38 
4S 


100 

10 

100 
100 

10 

7 

100 
100 

46 
18 

36 

100 
100 

7 
100 

43 
43 
25 

25 
18 
25 
29 
21 

29 
46 
100 
75 
61 
68 
36 
36 
36 
25 
25 


92 

11 

24 

96 
92 

38 
12 

100 
100 

23 

46 
31 

100 
100 

7 
96 
36 
36 
50 
50 
11 
35 
15 
46 
4 
38 
35 
89 
58 
60 
58 
27 
69 
27 
19 
27 












Regards momentarily 


Regards recurrently . . . 


Regards prolongedly 


Regards predominantly 


Regards consistently 


Shifts regard 


Shifts regard, to examiner 


Shifts regard, to hands 


Arm increases activity 


Approaches 


\pproaches with right hand 


Approaches with left hand. 


Approaches with both hands 


Approaches after delay 
4.pproaches promptly. 


Contacts spoon .... 


Dislodges on contact 


Grasps . 


Grasps with right hand 


(If grasps) grasps with right hand. . . 


Grasps with left hand . 


(If grasps) grasps with left hand 


Grasps with both hands 


Grasps in palm . . .... 


Grasps interdigitally 


Grasps with thumb opposing fingers 
Manipulates without grasp 


Manip. on and above table top and mouths 
Brings first to mouth 


Jjifts from table top . . 


Brings to mouth 


([f brings to mouth) brings to mouther.?/. 
Transfers . 


Rotates 


Hits or bangs on table top 




Drops and resecures 







in only two children out of ten. At 24 weeks it rises sharply to a 
frequency of eight out of ten; at 28 weeks it is universal. 

Three other modes of regard manifest themselves with relative 
frequency (from 30 per cent to 60 per cent) at 16 and 20 weeks, 
namely: momentary regard, recurrent regard, and prolonged 
regard. These forms of regard are infrequent at subsequent ages. 
Prolonged regard was not observed at all after 24 weeks. Shift 
of regard to the examiner occurred in one child out of five at 
16 weeks. A shift to the child's own hand occurred in one out of 
four both at 16 and at 20 weeks. It is clear therefore that 24 weeks 
marks a rather definite turning point in the general nature of the 
regard. 



152 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 23 

At 24 weeks the regard becomes consistent in eight children 
out of ten. In general the spoon situation absorbs the infant's 
attention to the exclusion of regard for the examiner. Shifts of 
regard to the examiner are most frequent at 16 weeks but even 
then occur in only one child out of five. 

The genetic advance in spoon regard may be outlined as follows : 
At 16 weeks the visual response is dominating and absorbing; the 
adaptive manual response is secondary. The infant fixates pro- 
longedly with intent staring. At 20 weeks the starey quality has 
almost vanished. Fixation is still prolonged but is more facile, 
less absorbing. Adaptive manual response has become more 
prominent. At 24 weeks regard is still more facile and sustained. 
It is now more secondary to the total prehensory response. At 
28 weeks regard is well established. The infant also regards the 
spoon definitely on withdrawing it from the mouth. Thereafter 
he gives more discriminative, inspectional regard to aspects of 
the spoon, in close correlation with his new and varied powers 
of manipulation. Selective regard and selective utilization of the 
handle are probably present at 36 weeks. 

Prehension. At 16 weeks the hand-arm activity in relation 
to the spoon is somewhat ambiguous. This activity is apparently 
increased by the presence of the spoon, but it may occur without 
accompanying regard of the spoon. Half the infants contact the 
spoon in a manner that seems relatively fortuitous. Directed ap- 
proach is not definite; the perceptual reaction itself is prominent. 

At 20 weeks approach movements are better defined and more 
frequently directed toward the spoon without and with delay. 
The spoon is typically contacted from the side and hit to the side 
prior to grasp. Grasp occurs in three children out of ten. 

At 24 weeks, the approach is more prompt and complete, the 
hand being placed over the spoon with eventual grasping and 
lifting. Very often the spoon is dragged, pushed, and pulled before 
and after seizure; whether this is because of immature grasping 
or manipulatory interest is not always clear. In grasping, the 
fingers are curled around the handle. This is very characteristic 
of the 24 weeks level. Grasping is the most characteristic achieve- 
ment of this age but success is still dependent upon favorable 
accessibility after the spoon has been displaced by the initial 
contact. An inadequate contacting approach occurs in about 
one child out of three until the 32 weeks level. 



23 SPOON BEHAVIOR 158 

At 28 weeks grasp is universal but it is interdigital in three 
out of ten infants, indicating that manual orientation with refer- 
ence to the alignment of the spoon has not been achieved. Pushing 
the spoon out of reach prior to grasp also is frequent. Opening 
and closing of the fingers near or over the spoon are frequent and 
a primitive kind of release with resecural occurs in four out of 
ten children. 

Anticipatory approach during presentation of the spoon is 
noted at 32 weeks. In one out of three cases this approach is 
bilateral. There is partial adjustment of the hand just prior to 
grasp and the infant is now able to secure and resecure the spoon 
with ease, regardless of its alignment on the table top. 

At 36 w r eeks approach is typically unilateral, the left hand 
being used almost as frequently as the right. Grasping still usually 
takes place by curling the fingers around the handle but in one 
child out of three index-thumb opposition was noted. Grasp 
is more secure. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. At 16 weeks manipulation is 
merely on the horizon. One-half of the infants contact the spoon; 
one in ten actually clasps the spoon. At weeks three in ten grasp 
the spoon and there is apparent increase of activity after seizure, 
indicating a rudimentary exploitational response. This exploitation 
is confined to the table top. Typically the spoon is not raised. 
At 24 weeks it is lifted and carried to the mouth. The free hand 
usually comes up while the spoon is in the mouth. Mouthing is 
the most prominent activity but it is often preceded by crude 
knocking, pushing, and dragging on the table top. One child in 
three drops the spoon. The tendency is to hold the spoon firmly 
when the examiner attempts removal of the spoon. While the 
infant mouths the spoon he looks forward with a transfixed gaze 
somewhat suggestive of satisfaction. 

At 28 weeks there is a definite increment in manipulatory 
exploitiveness. The activities are more varied both in type and in 
sequence and there is a tendency for certain types to be repeated. 
Whereas at 24 weeks one type of activity tended to dominate 
the behavior picture, at 28 weeks three or more types of activity 
become manifest. Mouthing is vigorous and often accompanied 
by bubble formation and also by vocalization. Though mouthing 
is predominant it gives way recurrently to inspectional with- 
drawal, manipulation, and transfer. Transfer is often repeated. 
It reaches a peak at 28 weeks. 



154 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 4 

At 3 weeks mouthing is somewhat less prominent, less pro- 
longed, and less masticatory. The spoon is typically carried to 
the mouth first but subsequent activity above the table top is most 
characteristic. This activity includes withdrawal with inspection, 
transfer with rotation, and some waving. Transfer is now accom- 
plished w r ith greater adeptness and precision. Rotational and partial 
end-over-end manipulation comes into prominence. The free hand 
participates more fully in manipulations. 

It is significant that the affective aspect of mouthing is already 
less evident. While the spoon is held at the mouth the infant is 
under a compulsion to transfer and to remove and to rotate the 
object. The oral pleasure gives way to this manipulatory exploita- 
tion. To be sure the spoon goes back to the mouth repeatedly 
but each such return means that the mouthing has been inter- 
rupted by a competing behavior trend. In all this mouthing it 
is the bowl which goes to the mouth. The infant has ample oppor- 
tunity to handle the spoon by the bowl and to mouth the handle, 
but prevailingly he does not so elect. Can this discriminative 
behavior be due simply to the physical characteristics of the 
spoon ? 

At 36 weeks mouthing is still less prominent. Whereas at 
32 weeks the spoon promptly goes to the mouth, at 36 weeks there 
is usually a brief manipulation, characteristically transfer or 
banging, on the table top just prior to mouthing. Recurrences to 
mouthing are less frequent and the sequence of activity somewhat 
less stereotyped, that is, less repetitive. A few infants even carry 
the spoon below the table top and occasionally gross motor postural 
changes occur during the exploitation. Exploitation above the 
table top including rotational manipulation is less prominent. 
Pushing and dragging are now rare. Banging is better defined and 
highly characteristic. Even the free hand often slaps the table. 
This sound production must be reckoned as part of the total 
exploitation. 

4. CUP AND SPOON BEHAVIOR 
(32 weeks-~56 weeks) 

The Situation 

Holding the upturned cup in his left hand, the spoon in his 
right hand, the examiner simultaneously advanced both in parallel 
lanes and placed them on the transverse standard line. After 



24 



CUP AND SPOON BEHAVIOR 



155 



appropriate observation, cup and spoon were removed from the 
infant's grasp and the examiner then placed the cup in the far 
median position, thrust the spoon perpendicularly into the cup 
bringing it against the sides with a to-and-fro motion producing 
a well-defined rattling sound. The examiner then re-presented 
both objects in the standard manner and observed the responsive 
behavior. Similarly a second demonstration and a third demonstra- 
tion of the spoon rattle followed. 

Stimulus Factors 

When cup and spoon are presented simultaneously the stimulus 
values of the cup alone and the spoon alone are not simply com- 
pounded but the total situation undergoes a change. The cup is 




FIG. 24. Cup and spoon behavior: 36 weeks and 48 weeks. 

presented in normal rather than In verted position. Certain stimulus 
properties (if the term is permissible) of the single object continue 
to assert their power but in modified form. The typical reactions 
to the objects in combination cannot be logically deduced, much 
less predicted, from a knowledge of the reactions to the presenta- 
tion of a single object. At 32 weeks and at 86 weeks the objects 
are presented singly as well as in combination; thereafter only in 
combination. The side-by-side situation sets up competitive ten- 
sions, possibilities of selective, alternating, and combinational 
response. 

When the spoon rattle is demonstrated, social and auditory 
factors are strongly brought into the situation. The previous 
feeding experiences of the infant appear to have relatively small 
influence on his reactions. There is occasionally a slight initial 



156 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 24 

hesitation or a brief mimetic drinking. It is of psychological interest 
that the infant exploits the cup and the spoon in much the same 
manner that he does nonconventionalized objects like the ring and 
string. 

Two objects which singly have distinctive stimulus values 
for the infant naturally call forth new modes of regard and ex- 
ploitation when these objects are presented in association. These 
peculiar modes of regard are revealed on initial presentation and 
also by the apportionment and sequences of attention during the 
course of activity. 

Behavior Trends 

Visual Regard. At 32 weeks the initial regard tends to be 
restricted to one object and after a variable interval shifts rather 
suddenly to the second object. At somewhat later age levels this 
shifting becomes less obvious, less naive, and the child attends to 
both objects more nearly at one confluent glance. At 32 weeks the 
regard is saccadic in the sense that the child fixates on one object 
and then by a twitch-like transition transfers this fixation to the 
second object. The regard may, of course, recur to the first object 
but it is significant that only six children out of ten (at 32 weeks) 
definitely attend to both cup and spoon during the situation. The 
other four children are preoccupied with a single object even 
though a second is available. 

An alternating type of regard is still pronounced at 36 weeks. 
Typically one object, usually the cup, first secures the attention. 
This attention is sustained for a considerable interval and then 
shifts to the spoon. The spoon now absorbs the attention for a 
similarly sustained interval during which the cup is apparently 
ignored. But in due course the cup again receives sustained regard. 
This alternating apportionment of visual regard represents a 
stage of '"attention," a dynamic pattern characteristic of the 
nascent period of combining. The preoccupation with one object 
to the exclusion of the other suggests that the combining stage has 
not yet been reached. But the very fact that this preoccupation 
presently shifts to the second object and eventually returns to 
the first indicates that the genetic basis for combining is already 
being laid down. The regard has a successions!, quantum-like 
nature. Perhaps regard always retains this character even at the 
highest levels of synthetic combination but functions with such 



CUP AND SPOON BEHAVIOR 



157 



SITUATION: CUP AND SPOOX (Cp-Sp) 



Cp-Sp 


Behavior Items 


4^0 8 K 

i 


16 


20 ; ->4 28 


32 


30 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

2 

3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
S 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 

33 
39 
40 

41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
40 
47 


Regards cup and spoon 










_ 









58 
59 

4 

4 
59 
41 

81 
97 
63 
33 
15 
22 
63 
70 
33 
55 

8 
30 
19 
52 
63 
42 
35 
30 
22 
22 
33 
63 
48 
59 
19 
7 

29 

21 

22 
29 
7 


61 
60 

11 

4 

50 

25 
SB 
96 
86 
36 
64 
40 
32 
79 
64 
36 
47 
50 
18 

40 

26 
50 
43 
30 
58 
32 
15 
25 
29 
54 
54 
57 
25 
4 
4 

48 

22 

11 
11 
32 

7 


76 

21 
21 
4 
14 
55 
21 
24 
97 
97 
38 
69 
54 
31 
93 
69 
58 
27 
52 
35 
35 
41 
62 
66 
7 
68 
59 
17 
45 
24 
83 
79 
83 
28 
31 
24 

50 

S5 
35 

15 
14 
3 
14 
14 
31 
15 


84 

23 
38 
23 
23 
42 
42 
15 
96 
100 
34 
51 
38 
27 
92 
54 
50 
19 
65 
46 
38 
58 
54 
62 
50 
80 
54 
27 
50 
15 
89 
89 
89 
54 
65 
50 
4 

65 

15 
46 

19 
27 
12 
23 
27 
54 
12 


100 

27 
12 
23 
31 
50 
19 
SO 
100 
16 
54 
38 
SS 
80 
31 
23 
12 
50 
27 
23 
46 
54 
77 
65 
65 
69 
.85 
50 
23 
65 
65 
92 
54 
77 
65 
27 

84 

16 
48 

40 

42 
8 
35 
4 
23 
12 


100 

37 
10 
22 
24 
66 
10 
86 
97 
24 
29 
7 
30 
84 
34 
26 
12 
30 
10 
22 
41 
44 
51 
55 
4? 
41 
24 
24 
12 
80 
80 
95 
52 
85 
85 
24 

84 
10 
58 

45 
65 

SO 
34 
15 
34 

ie 


100 

65 

4 
54 
4 
96 

89 
100 

12 
19 
12 
19 
77 
38 
19 
26 
50 
4 
50 
46 
46 
54 
26 
57 
38 
12 
31 
15 
85 
85 
100 
62 
100 
100 
38 

96 

46 

62 
65 

8 

46 
12 

4 
35 


Regards cup and spoon alternately 
Regards cup or spoon recurrently 
Shifts regard to surroundings 


Shifts regard to Examiner 


Approaches cup first . . . 


Approaches spoon first 


Ap. cup and spoon simultaneously 


Grasps cup 


Grasps spoon 


Pushes and pulls cup or spoon. 


Bangs cup or spoon on table top 
Hits or bangs cup on table top. . . . 


Hits or bangs spoon on table top 


Lifts cup. 


Brings cup or spoon to mouth 


TtnTig,s cup to Tnouth . , 


Brings spoon to mouth 


Transfers cup or spoon 


Transfers cup. ... 


Transfers spoon 


Rotates cup. . 


Releases cup ... . .... 


Releases spoon 


Resecures cup 


Resecures spoon . 


Releases and resecures cup or spoon. . . . 
Releases and resecures cup 


Releases and resecures spoon ... 


Drops one reaching for other 


Retains one> reaches for other 


Retains one secures other ... 


Combines cup and spoon 


Brings cup and spoon together 


Brings spoon over cup ... 


Places spoon in cup . 


Releases spoon in cup. 


SPOON RATTLE DEMONSTRATED 
Combines cup and spoon 


Com. cup and spoon only after demon. 
Combining improves after demonstration 
BEFOBE OB AFTER DEMONSTRATION 
Hits or rattles spoon in cup. , 


Hits or rattles spoon in cup after demon. 


Pivots . 


Frets 









smoothness and speed that the alternating oscillations so evident 
in infancy are quite concealed. 

Even at 40 weeks the alternating shifting of regard has become 
less conspicuous. The infant simultaneously manipulates both cup 
and spoon to a greater degree than at 86 weeks. The regard for 



158 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 4 

the single object is more elaborate and inspectional in character. 
Combining is definitely established and the regard is correspond- 
ingly mature. 

At 44 weeks the visual attention is rather equally divided 
between cup and spoon and they are doubtless becoming more 
intimately united in the perception of the infant. At 52 weeks 
he seems to regard them both at once. 

The developmental progress of regard is reflected in the 
changes of attention from age to age, to the spoon rattle demonstra- 
tion. At 32 weeks the infant smiles and often blinks at the din of 
the demonstration; he probably perceives the situation in the 
gross and not in mechanical detail. At 36 weeks also he smiles at 
the demonstration and he may make a face! At 40 weeks he smiles 
and looks at the examiner, but the subsequent activity is not much 
altered and he rarely places the spoon in the cup. If what he does is 
an index of what he sees, then we may conclude that however 
intent the regard, he does not actually perceive that the spoon is 
placed into the bowl of the cup until about the age of 48 weeks; 
and he sees it with increasing clearness at 52 weeks and at 56 weeks, 
when he repeatedly dips the spoon well into the cup. 

The relationship between motor reaction and regard presents 
many problems of theoretical interest'. There is probably no essen- 
tial difference between the crude rovings of regard of the young 
infant and the swift, exploratory movements of regard of the 
older infant. Both forms of regard are adaptive oculomotor pat- 
terns. It may be, however, that the relative dominance of regard 
declines with advance in prehensory and exploitive abilities. 
Regard is then fashioned by manipulation, the eye constantly 
sees what the hand has just wrought; vision does not always go 
in advance like a scout to indicate what the hand shall do. It is 
for this reason that a genetic account of the development of 
regard becomes inextricably bound up with the details of manipula- 
tion and of exploitation. 

Size and brightness are not all-determining in establishing 
regard even in the infant. To be sure, at 32, 36, and 40 weeks half 
or over half of the infants make an initial restricted approach upon 
the cup and one might attribute this to its greater optical mass. 
But the cup loses this preeminence, for at 52 weeks two-thirds, 
and at 56 weeks almost all, of the infants make a prior restricted 
approach upon the spoon with perhaps a swift glance at the cup. 
Why, it would be difficult to say. 



4 CUP AND SPOON BEHAVIOR 159 

It also becomes increasingly clear that regard is formed be- 
havior. It is not a discrete faculty with a magic kind of independ- 
ence which in some mysterious way emanates from the central 
or peripheral nervous system. It is not even a phase of pure recep- 
tivity. It is an outward manifestation of a response pattern which 
is dependent upon retinal stimulation but which is determined by 
the total and the specific reaction trends of the organism. 

One speaks of regard and attention as though they were dy- 
namic functions (and by implication, faculties). This is only for 
convenience or convention. It would be scientifically better to 
speak of "patterns" of regard and forms of attention to preserve 
the specific, morphological status of each and every act of atten- 
tion. These acts are patterns of behavior as validly as an act of 
prehension. 

Prehension. The cup and spoon situation produces few dis- 
tinctive manifestations of prehension. The grasp in its mechanics 
naturally resembles that described for single objects. Toward the 
end of the year, however, there is evidence that the infant makes a 
discriminative seizure of the end of the spoon handle and dangles, 
dips, or deposits the spoon into the bowl of the cup. This seemingly 
simple bit of behavior is not suddenly achieved; genetically it is 
very complex and is dependent upon a neuromuscular refinement 
in the prehensory mechanism, to say nothing of the growth of 
adaptive perception necessary for the spatial identification of the 
end as opposed to the middle of an object. An elementary mastery 
of the principle of the lever is also involved. Indeed a minute 
examination of the prehensory improvements in the manipulation 
of the spoon would furnish a key to the earliest stages of the 
psychology of tool using. 

A very primitive kind of tool utilization is suggested in the fact 
that the -82 weeks-old child selectively uses the handle to lift and 
turn the inverted cup right side up. In the cup and spoon situation 
at the same age the cup is in normal position and the handle 
does not so much come into play. Instead, the infant character- 
istically grasps the cup by the rim and curls his fingers about the 
handle of the spoon. Even this type of grasp is not directly effective 
and in almost two-thirds of the infants the cup is " pulled' > or 
"pushed** about prior to seizure. Such dislocation of the object 
is probably a function of immature grasp rather than of manipu- 
latory drive. At 36 weeks also he is quite likely to push the cup 
about a bit or to tip it on its side before he flexes his fingers on the 



160 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 4 

rim or handle. At 40 weeks he still flexes on the rim but commonly 
pulls the cup toward himself and lifts It. At this age and at 44 weeks 
rotational manipulation of both cup and spoon is becoming well 
defined. It is now highly characteristic for the infant to retain one 
object while reaching for the other. He often retains grasp of both 
objects during the manipulation which follows. 

Neat and facile placement of the spoon into the cup requires 
not only adaptive grasp but adaptive release, which is the obverse 
or inhibitory aspect of prehension. Such release is a positive and a 
difficult feat in infancy and it requires a complex developmental 
organization which is only roughly indicated by visible perform- 
ance. A dropping of the spoon is frequent from 3 weeks to 56 
weeks and was observed in over half of the infants at all but one 
age level. Though the physics of this dropping remains uniform 
we may be sure that the behavior mechanism of the release changes 
from age to age; the extensor reaction system does not remain 
uniform; voluntary or adaptive factors come increasingly into 
the picture. The presence of these factors is strongly evinced in 
the late but steady emergence of an adaptive insertion of the 
spoon into the bowl of the cup, followed later by full placement. 

We might call this "placement release" to distinguish it from a 
cruder form of dropping or losing. If we had all the developmental 
facts in hand we should find that we lacked a terminology to 
express the gradations from sheer "f ailing " to deliberate "letting 
fall." The existence of such gradations is revealed by two pretty 
curves of frequency: one for the item "dips (or places) the spoon 
in the cup"; the other for the item "releases spoon in cup." The 
first curve begins with zero at 3 weeks and ends with 100 per 
cent at 56 weeks. The steady rise of the percentages, 0, 4, 24, 
50, 65, 85, 100 per cent, strongly confirms the developmental 
complexity of the spoon-into-cup reaction. The zero value at 
3% weeks is somewhat ameliorated by a few children (one in 15) 
who bring the spoon over the cup without thrusting it into the cup, 
illustrating the important fact that a genetic zero is not absolute. 
Dipping into the cup is anticipated by poising the spoon over the cup. 

The genetic or horizon zero for the item releases spoon in cup 
is located at about. 40 weeks. At 44 weeks one child in 25 placed 
the spoon into the cup with definite release; at 56 weeks, approxi- 
mately two out of five children released the spoon in the cup. 
The fuller mastery of this placement release lies in. the second year 
of life. 



4 CUP AND SPOON BEHAVIOR 161 

It remains to mention a third developmental trend which by 
inference probably has its nascent or horizon level at about 8 
weeks. We refer to the interesting item brings spoon over cup. As just 
noted, no child at 3 weeks dips the spoon into the cup but at least 
one child in 15 at that age holds the spoon over the cup without 
thrusting it in. Similarly at 40 weeks 31 per cent of the infants held 
the spoon over the cup but only 4 per cent actually dipped the 
spoon into the cup. 

This discussion began with the mechanism of release but leads 
by backward reference to associated mechanisms. It is seen from a 
comparative study of these three related curves of frequency how 
one reaction differentiates from another and yet remains genetically 
rooted in its antecedents. A genetic zero is always relative: dipping 
into the cup is anticipated by a preparatory poising of the spoon 
over the cup; dipping prepares for adaptive placement release. 
Each pattern is sufficient unto Its genetic day but that day is 
brief. What w r as once a culminating achievement proves to be a 
preliminary one. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. The close relationships be- 
tween " attentional-regard,** prehension, and exploitational ac- 
tivity have been repeatedly mentioned. This repetition is not 
idle if it helps to reinforce a recognition of the profound coherence 
of the infant's behavior. In all these activities there is a thorough- 
going dynamic repercussion and essential unity which makes it 
impossible if not illogical to look for sharp distinctions of cause and 
effect. We are dealing with the same kind of unity which pervades 
the relationship of heredity and environment. Confusion arises 
only if we make too much of an objective criterion of success in 
performance and ignore the developmental import of apparent 
failure. Infant behavior grows by a process of Increasing approxi- 
mation to changing goals, and we are in danger of underestimating 
the psychological importance of his immature patterns of response. 

It is fair to say that the infant exploits his environment at all 
ages. Even before he can lay hold of that environment by active 
prehension he grapples it with his exploring eyes. His very growth 
projects him farther into varied contactings with the environ- 
ment, with varied contactings which are determined by the 
complexity of his sensorimotor equipment at the moment. When 
his forearm is somatically and neurologically ready to rotate he 
shows a propensity to rotate an object held in hand. At the same 
time he usually is ready and prone to inspect the object as it 



102 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 24 

rotates. Even though this reaction is based on a motor maturation 
it has psychological status as an act of exploitation. Accordingly 
nearly all new forms of behavior in the infant carry exploitational, 
experimental possibilities. To what extent and why these possi- 
bilities vary with individual infants need not be considered here. 
Individual objects may be exploited; two individual objects may 
be combined in the exploitation. The present summary deals 
chiefly with the manner in which the infant capitalizes the juxta- 
position of cup and spoon and brings one into productive relation- 
ship with the other. 

As already noted, the younger infants show a slight preference 
for the cup in their initial response, but by the end of the year 
the great majority make an initial selective response to the spoon. 
The spoon is promptly picked up and immediately brought into 
well-sustained relation to the cup, whereas at the younger ages 
the infant exploits first one object and then another. Between 
these two extremes lies a series of gradations of combining exploita- 
tion which has already been foreshadowed in the discussion of 
prehension and release. The developmental progression becomes 
most apparent when a series of cinema records of the advancing 
ages is viewed in close succession. If one disregarded the infant 
as the agent of the behavior and charted simply the routes of 
spoon and cup in their movements on the table top, one would get 
the impression that the cup exerted some magnetic power which 
at first fitfully but with increasing certainty and force attracted 
the spoon into itself. Although this would be a fantastic outlook 
upon the actual events, the charting itself would express the 
progressive changes of the nervous system which conditions these 
outward events. Fitfulness of contact reflects the early stages of a 
combining propensity. To what extent, if at all, fortuity figures 
it is difficult to say. We may be certain, however, that fortuitous 
contacts will not be followed up by truly adaptive combining 
unless the child has the requisite maturity which is evidenced in 
the propensity. Likewise his responsiveness to a combining spoon- 
rattling demonstration will be mainly determined by his develop- 
mental maturity. 

There is very little spontaneous combining at 32 weeks (one 
child out of 15 brought the spoon over the cup in a relational 
manner, and one out of five hit the cup with the spoon), but 
one child out of three combined after demonstration. This age 
is, therefore, near the nascent level for combining behavior. At 



24 CUP AND SPOON BEHAVIOR 163 

36 weeks and at 40 weeks approximately one-half, and at 56 weeks 
nearly all the children combined after demonstration. Improve- 
ment in the amount or intensity of combining following demon- 
stration was especially marked at one year; and actual responsive 
rattling occurred in six out of ten infants at the age of 56 weeks. 

Spontaneous combining begins at 36 weeks. Not only does the 
banging of the individual cup and the individual spoon increase, 
but simultaneous approach upon cup and spoon rises to 5 per 
cent (from per cent at 32 weeks). Cup and spoon are brought 
together above the table top (5 per cent at 32 weeks, rising to 
62 per cent at 56 w 7 eeks). The spoon is hit against the cup before 
demonstration (29 per cent) . This latter item reaches a maximum 
of 50 per cent at 44 weeks and declines to 19 per cent at 56 weeks, 
suggesting that placement and agitation of the spoon within the 
cup are becoming the dominant features of combining activity. 
Spontaneous agitation of the spoon in the bowi (hitting or rattling) 
rises steadily from frequency at 36 weeks to 54 per cent at 
56 w r eeks. Demonstration increases the incidence of hitting or 
rattling within the bowl at all ages from 40 weeks on, but it is not 
competent (because of the incompetency of the infant) to induce 
responsive agitation even at 36 weeks. Forty weeks may, therefore, 
be regarded as the nascent level for this particular kind of com- 
bining. Specific forms of combination can hardly be induced 
unless the child already has them in his repertoire of spontaneous 
behavior. 

The following comment briefly indicates the diverse kinds of 
exploitation of individual objects. Mouthing of the spoon, most 
frequent at 32 weeks, declines to 26 per cent at 56 weeks. Release 
of the spoon on the table top, followed by resecural, is relatively 
frequent at all ages. Banging of the spoon reaches a low maximum 
of 38 per cent at 48 weeks. Transfer of the spoon reaches a maxi- 
mum of 50 per cent at 56 weeks, but occurs at all ages with a 
frequency of 22 to 30 per cent. Transfer of the cup, on the contrary, 
is at its height at 44 weeks with a frequency of 46 per cent, and 
only 8 per cent at 32 weeks and 4 per cent at 56 weeks. Rotation 
of the cup (58 per cent), vocalization. (54 per cent), and regard 
for surroundings (23 per cent) are also at a maximum at 40 weeks. 
The occurrence of transfer is evidently much influenced by the 
total situation. It may be noted that when the cup alone is pre- 
sented at 32 weeks it is transferred in 43 per cent of the cases; 
but when presented in combination with the spoon, only in 8 per 



164 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 24 

cent. A comparable discrepancy appears In transfer of the cup at 
36 weeks, and transfer of the spoon at 32 weeks. 

An accurate account of the developmental advance in com- 
bining behavior could be built up only by a minute analysis of 
characteristic sequences of activities over a given interval at 
successive ages. Such an analysis would show primitive and sketchy 
forms of combining at the younger levels leading to repeated and 
sustained combining at the older levels. Schematically this pro- 
gression is somewhat as follows: 

38 weeks: Attention goes to cup, shifts to spoon, shifts to cup. 
The cup is grasped and manipulated. Regard returns to the spoon. 
The cup is dropped, the spoon is grasped, mouthed, the cup is 
regarded again but the two objects are not brought into relation. 

36 weeks: Marked alternations of regard for cup and spoon 
with rather equal division of attention. The regard weaves back 
and forth, sometimes rapidly. The infant holds both cup and spoon 
simultaneously, may bang one while holding the other, or mo- 
mentarily bring them together above the table top. He does not 
bring the spoon to the cup as it rests on the table. 

40 weeks: He gives conjoint attention to both objects, or 
marginal attention to one. The discrete alternating shifts of 
regard are disappearing. There is more confluent exploitation 
of both objects, and well-defined, recurrent combining is almost 
characteristic. 

44 to 48 weeks: Definite combining now well established. It 
occurs more than once in the tide of activity. The infant brings 
the spoon over the cup, inserts it, or hits the rim or side of the cup 
with the spoon. Discrete and partially independent exploitation 
of the single object, however, persists and is proportionately in 
excess of actual combining. The combining may still be somewhat 
sporadic. Simultaneous manipulations may be more prominent 
than relational exploitations in which one object is the foil of the 
other. 

52 to 56 weeks: Immediate, repetitive, and sustained combining. 
Prior, preferential grasp of the spoon and adaptive application 
of the spoon to the cup. Discrete exploitations and manipulations 
of the single object persist, but the total behavior picture shows a 
dominance of relational activity with the cup as a foil and the 
spoon as tooL 

Developmentafly, combining activity is closely articulated with 
patterns of individual or discrete activity. Two objects, A and J3, 



25 CUP AND CUBES BEHAVIOR 165 

lie adjacent. A elicits a discrete attentional-manipulatory response 
in its own right; so does J3; so does A again. At a low stage of 
maturity these responses are independent events but at higher 
stages of maturity response B is influenced by stimulus A and 
tends to have a reference to B. It is not necessary to invoke a 
law of association or even of learning to explain this fact of refer- 
ence. The phenomenon seems to depend more upon the scope of 
regard and the range of manipulation and these factors are deter- 
mined by maturation. It is for this reason that a conspectus of the 
manifestations of combining reveals in general a steady, lawful, 
incremental advance, rather than a saltatory succession of dramatic 
insight episodes. 

25. CUP AND CUBES BEHAVIOR 

(32 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 




G $5 Cup and cubes behavior: 36 weeks and 48 weeks. 



In the standard manner the examiner simultaneously presented 
the cup and the ten cubes used in the massed cube situation. 
These cubes were placed in an irregular cluster at the infant's 
right near the near median position and at the side of the cup. 

Stimulus Factors 

The distinctive stimulus values of the cup and cubes situation 
constitute a problem of more than speculative interest because 
we are able to analyze these values by comparisons with closely 
related situations. On the one hand we have the massed cubes 
situation which reveals the reactions to multiple cubes alone. 



166 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 5 

On the other hand we have the cup and spoon situation which 
narrows the stimulus and combining possibilities to two objects. 
A thorough-going comparison of the reactions in these three 
situations would throw considerable direct light on the perceptual 
capacities and perceptual organization of the infant. The differ- 
entiating details of response are somewhat concealed by similarities 
in numerous items of behavior for these three situations. But a 
close investigation of the total reactions and of the inflections of 
patterns within the total reaction discloses distinctive behavior 
characteristics of considerable genetic interest. 

It is of course understood that all comments in regard to the 
perception of the infant contain interpretive hazard. However, 
the comparative analysis of differential responses in closely related 
situations, as above suggested, tends to place the infant's per- 
ceptual behavior upon an objective basis. We cannot actually 
reconstruct the inner aspect of the responses but we can deduce 
certain fundamental differences in this inner aspect which 
declare themselves infallibly in the distinctive characters of overt 
behavior. 

The diversified possibilities of exploitive behavior in the cup 
and cubes situation may be listed as follows : (a) The cup by itself 
yields to manifold manipulations and dislocations. (6) Likewise 
a single cube by itself, (c) A single cube may be brought into 
relation to the cup or the cup may be brought into relation with 
the single cube in varied ways. (d) A single cube may be brought 
into relation with a single associated cube or with several associated 
cubes, (e) Exploitations may be confined to the cubes. (/) The 
exploitations of the multiple cubes may be referred in different 
ways to the cup. 

This logical analysis of exploitational possibilities indicates 
an extremely wide range of permutations. In spite of the statistical 
magnitude of these possibilities, certain modalities and trends of 
behavior declare themselves consistently. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. At all ages prior regard goes to the cubes, but the 
nature of this regard exhibits subtle and significant developmental 
changes from age to age. At 32 weeks the cup is perhaps nearest 
to a parity to the cubes in initial pro vocativeness. It is common 
for the regard to shift from the cubes to the cup and back to the 
cubes. Sometimes this shift is rapid and sharply defined. Prefer- 



525 



CUP AXD CFBES BEHAVIOR 



167 



Sir CATION: dp AND CUPIDS (Cp-Cj 



Cp-C 


Behavior Items 


4 





8 12 16 


s.0 t4 28 32 30 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
IS 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 

23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
' 42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 


Regards cubes first 














! 

! 

| 


i 


72 

56 
66 
33 
5 
100 
61 
94 
55 
1 
66 
39 
61 
28 
39 
22 
11 

39 
5 

72 
22 
28 

44 

28 
33 
50 
33 
33 
22 
22 
28 
28 
5 
5 
5 




76 

56 
60 
28 
8 
96 
68 
92 
64 
2 
60 
52 
64 
44 
40 
28 
4 
4 
32 
12 
12 
52 
40 
12 
8 
4 
44 
8 
12 
20 
32 
40 
32 
20 
16 
28 
28 
12 



12 
8 


75 

32 
68 
35 
14 
96 
71 
93 
71 
2 
64 
43 
61 
48 
18 
4 
18 
7 
57 
11 
21 
57 
50 
21 
11 
7 
46 
4 
18 
28 
46 
61 
57 
32 
39 
50 
46 
SI 
18 



14 

18 
18 


88 
60 
60 

40 
20 
96 
84 

100 
68 
2 
56 
44 
68 
28 
36 
20 
8 
36 
44 
28 
28 
56 
52 
20 
16 
4 
40 
24 
28 
12 
48 
64 
68 
40 

40 
60 

36 
16 
28 
12 
12 
4 
4 


16 

20 

ia 


68 

32 
32 
57 
25 
100 
57 
86 
71 
3 
79 
39 
68 
14 
25 
14 
35 
29 
61 
36 
39 
61 
64 
14 
25 
18 
39 
29 
35 
43 
46 
46 
72 
14 
71 
68 
25 
14 
54 
39 
32 
18 
18 
11 


1 
35 
11 
39 
32 


74 
17 
26 
64 
31 
100 
77 
89 
77 
3 
82 
28 
69 
31 
15 
11 
38 
54 
56 
51 
41 
67 
74 
29 
18 
10 
51 
28 
51 
46 
59 
43 
72 
8 
70 
69 
20 
10 
59 
54 
51 
38 
33 
15 
13 

1 
41 
40 
51 
40 


85 
15 

85 
SO 
100 
82 
100 
89 
5 
82 
19 
67 
4 
11 
11 
22 
41 
78 
67 
33 
45 
70 
19 
15 
7 
37 
41 
45 
48 
52 
45 
82 
15 
74 
78 
26 
15 
74 
74 
63 
63 
52 
56 
48 
45 
4 
56 
59 
19 
11 


Attends predominantly to cubes 


Attends alternately to cup and cubes. . . . 
Attends simultaneously to cup and cubes. 
Shifts regard to Examiner . 


Approaches promptly 


Approaches cubes first 


Grasps cube 


Grasps more than one cube. .... 


Average number cubes grasped 
Grasps cup 


Grasps cup only or cubes only 
Confines some manipulation to cubes. . . . 
Pushes or scatters cubes 


Brings cube to mouth 


Transfers cube , 


Casts cube 


Releases and resecures cube 


Drops cube, regrasps or grasps another. . 
Picks up one cube after another 
Casts or brings cube to platform. 


("Confines some wnnipiTlation to cup 


Lifts cup 


Brings cup to mouth 


Manipulates cup above table top 


Transfers cup 


Drops cup 


Brings cup to platform 


Drops cube grasps cup 


Grasps cube, cup in hand 


Holds cup and cube, one in each hand. . . 
Holds two cubes, one in each hand 
Combines cube and cube or cube and cup. 
Combines cube and cube L ~ 


Combines cup and cube 


Brings one object to another 


Hits one object on another 


Brings two objects together 


Brings cube over cup 


Places one or more cubes in cup 
Releases cube in cup 


Places two or more cubes in cup 


Releases more than one cube in cup ..... 
Places three or more cubes in cup 


Places four or more cubes in cup 
Places five or more cubes in cup ... 


Average number of cubes placed in cup. . 
Removes cube from cup 


Lifts cup containing cubes 


Postural activity 


Turns to side. .... . 





ential attention is for the cubes, but there is close rivalry between 
cup and cubes. At 36 weeks the cubes secure predominant atten- 
tion, but well-defined intervals of preoccupation with the cup also 
occur. This preoccupation largely displaces concern for the cubes 
for the time being. Combining is consequently scanty and sketchy. 



168 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 25 

At 40 weeks preferential attention for the cubes (or cup) is 
not so apparent because the regard for the second object is less 
secondary; the regard may be considered more synthetic because 
there is an increasing disposition toward combination of cube and 
cup. Roughly expressed, at 36 weeks the child heeds A (the cubes) 
and then B (the cup) a&d then again A; at 40 weeks he not only 
alternates between A and B but he applies A to B and B to A. 
At 44 weeks preferential regard for the cubes again comes into 
prominence. This phenomenon is only superficially inconsistent 
with an actual developmental increase of combining activity. The 
rather marked preoccupation with the cubes is due to the utiliza- 
tion of the combining possibilities which the cubes themselves 
possess. The cup is not, of course, altogether ignored but it is 
probable that the cup is not perceived as a possible receptacle for 
the cubes. 

At 48 weeks, however, there is objective indication that the 
child now perceives at least dimly the bowl of the cup. As will be 
later detailed he brings the cube into more circumscribed relation 
to the cup. This delimitation of reaction may be taken as outward 
evidence of the more penetrating perception of the solid (or shall 
we say, hollow?) geometry of the cup. Accordingly, at 48 weeks 
there is further increase of attentive regard for the cup. The 
distribution of attention between cup and cubes is becoming more 
even and also more convergent. At 5 weeks this convergence 
expresses itself in definite and often recurrent insertion of at 
least a single cube into the cup. At 56 weeks there may be con- 
secutive placement of several cubes into the cup with controlled 
release. 

It is evident from this summary that the advanced stages in 
distribution of regard can be considered in more detail only through 
a discussion of manipulation and exploitation. A concluding com- 
ment should be made concerning the similarities and differences 
of attentional patterns at 44 weeks and at 56 weeks. At 44 weeks 
we noted a high degree of combining and serial exploitation of 
the cubes with somewhat secondary exploitation of the cup. At 
56 weeks with more advanced patterns of prehension, release, 
and attention there is a comparable or superior combining exploi- 
tation of the cubes but now in productive relationship to the cup. 
This conjoint attentiveness to cup and cubes at 56 weeks reflects, 
in comparison with 44 weeks, the progressive structural complexity 
of specific and integrated patterns of response. The new subtleties 



25 CUP AND CUBES BEHAVIOR 169 

of attentlonal regard are but outward symptoms of this hidden 
morphological complexity. Attention, as a function, has not 
increased but the total reaction system of the Infant has undergone 
elaborated organization. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. In the present summary the 
course of development of exploitational activity has been fore- 
shadowed in the outline of the changes in attentional regard. 
Regard and exploitation cannot of course be successfully separated. 
The efficiency and delicacy of exploitation are primarily condi- 
tioned by the maturity of the manipulatory equipment. But, 
as already suggested, the projectivity, the elaboration, and the 
adaptiveness of manipulation are also conditioned by the maturity 
of perceptual mechanisms, which are presumably cortical. In a 
neuroanatomical sense these perceptual patterns are in principle 
essentially comparable to those of manipulation and closely cor- 
related with them. Vision and the kinesthesis of manipulation 
contribute to the continuous organization of perceptual behavior. 

At 32 weeks prior approach, followed by grasp, goes to the 
cubes. Activity with the cubes may include mouthing, transfer, 
pushing, hitting, dropping. Similar independent activity with the 
cup follows. Half the infants may hold the cup and cube simul- 
taneously, one in each hand, but the two objects are not brought 
into relation. There is instead a successive, oscillating distribution 
of activity. At 36 weeks this distribution is less evenly divided. 
There is more channeled preference for one object, though succes- 
sive regard from one to the other object also occurs. Active hitting 
or banging of the cubes and banging of the cup as well are common. 
One object may be hit against the other, cube against cup or cup 
against cube, or cube against cube. This latter activity is a primi- 
tive type of combining emerging from banging. 

At 40 weeks, combining activity becomes more controlled, more 
frequent, and more sustained. The somewhat uncritical banging 
gives way to a more inhibited application of one object to the 
other. At 44 weeks the propensity to combine is rnost readily 
satisfied by the cubes. This marked preferential attention for the 
cubes has already been emphasized. Typically the infant holds a 
cube in either hand and brings these cubes together, or he holds a 
cube in one hand and combines this repeatedly with the cube on 
the table top. He is not yet fully sensitive to the receptacle values 
of the cup. He does not respond with cube placement even after 
demonstration by the examiner. However, he usually removes the 



170 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 25 

cube from the cup after such demonstration. This reaction dis- 
plays rather neatly the limitations of his combining and exploitive 
capacities. Developmental^, however, he will soon overcome this 
limitation because even at 44 weeks he may bring the cube over 
the cup or tap the cube against the rim of the cup. 

Nevertheless, his combining propensities at 44 weeks are amply 
satisfied by the cubes alone. At 48 weeks there is a significant and 
sharp increase in the combination of cube with cup. There is a 
shift of regard to cup or rather the emergence of a new form of 
exploitation due to the perceptual realization of the physical 
properties of the cup. At 52 weeks this combining activity takes 
on a more controlled aspect owing probably to a refinement of 
the perceptual mechanisms and also to increased mastery of 
placement and release. 

The infant is now able to remit hold of the object and by way 
of exercise of this new power, he repeatedly lifts one cube, releases 
it, or casts it aside. Normally, however, his activity never becomes 
stereotyped because presently at 56 weeks this prehension-place- 
ment-release pattern takes on a serial exploitational character. 
He does not sporadically or repetitively pick up and drop a single 
cube but takes up first one and then another and still another in a 
more or less rhythmic sequence. Having placed as many as four 
cubes serially into the cup he removes them and then replaces 
them. Here we have an excellent example of the manner in which a 
simple pattern undergoes elaboration. We have yet another 
example in the fact that the 56 weeks -old infant is not content even 
after he has placed four cubes into the cup, for he seizes the cup 
forthwith and holds it aloft with the contained cubes. He then 
restores the cup to the table top, removes the cubes, and redupli- 
cates with inevitable variations his newly mastered exploitation. 
In this process of elaboration and progressive individuation we 
have an image of the developmental mechanics of the higher 
adaptive mental processes. We may well believe that in the 
highest intellectual spheres of adult invention, a comparable 
mechanism of developmental patterning asserts itself. Events do 
not happen quite de novo but as variations and elaborations of a 
proliferating complex. 

Supplementary Comment 

There are three situations which are so similar that they 
invite brief comment in connection with the present summary: 



5 CUP AND CUBES BEHAVIOR 171 

(a) the massed cubes, (6) tlie cup and spoon, (c) the cup and cubes. 
Comparison of a and c will suggest the special potencies of the cup: 
comparison of & and c may suggest the differences in stimulus 
value between two objects in contrast with multiple objects. 
Although the situations do not keep these variables under rigid 
control, they reveal distinguishable influences on the trends of 
behavior. 

When the incidence of behavior items for a (massed cubes) 
and c (cup and cubes) is compared, it appears that in general 
the forms of cube manipulation and of exploitation are much 
alike for both situations up through 44 weeks. Grasping, dropping 
one cube to secure another, holding two cubes, follow the same 
trends. Even in the presence of the cup, the cubes get predominant 
attention at 44 weeks and two cubes are combined in a similar 
manner in both situations at this age. The cup, however, has the 
effect of bringing forth combining activity somewhat earlier 
than massed cubes alone. At 48 weeks the cup affects the reactions 
more strikingly. There is a marked increment of combining of 
cube with cup (71 per cent) in contrast with 14 per cent of cube 
and cube combining, when multiple cubes alone are at the infant's 
disposal. A general inference from these percentages may be 
hazarded: Objects differing in shape and size are combined with 
greater frequency and definiteness than objects identical in shape 
and size when the perceptual discrimination has reached a requisite 
level of maturity. In the case of cube and cube versus cup and 
cubes, this level lies near 44 weeks. At that age 41 per cent com- 
bine cube with cube when cubes alone are available; 40 per cent 
combine cubes and 40 per cent combine cup and cubes when both 
these objects are available. But at 48 weeks, as just noted, seven 
out of ten children combine cup and cubes and only one child out 
of seven combines cubes. This sharp increment indicates a new 
psychological potency in the cup. 

When we compare cup and cubes and cup and spoon, we find 
one or two lines of contrast. The cubes in the cup and cubes 
situation attract the first approach throughout all the age levels; 
but in the cup and spoon situation, the cup receives prior attention 
at 32, 36, and 40 weeks. Cup and spoon are individually subjected 
to more exploitive manipulation than the cubes; there are less 
mouthing and transfer of the cubes than of the spoon. At 40 and 
at 44 weeks, cup and spoon are combined with approximately 
the same frequency as cup and cube; but the spoon is dipped into 



172 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 26 

the cup at 44 weeks, whereas the cube is not dropped or released 
into the cup until 5 weeks. 

6. PELLET BEHAVIOR 

(12 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 





FIG. 26. Pellet behavior: 36 and 44 weeks. 

Grasping the pellet between the index finger and the thumb 
and holding the convexity down, the examiner advanced the 
pellet in the horizontal plane and placed it in the standard median 
position. If after ten seconds the infant had not seized the pellet, 
the examiner advanced it to the near median position. 

Stimulus Factors 

The pellet has proved to be a peculiarly potent and revealing 
device for eliciting gradations of behavior pattern in infants. In a 
dimensional sense it represents the smallest stimulus object used 
in the developmental examination. In spite of, possibly because of, 
its small size it tends to provoke relatively sustained reaction 
when the child has the requisite perceptual capacity. 

At the older age levels the pellet not infrequently goes to the 
mouth with such avidity as to suggest that the pellet is regarded 
as food. In these cases the motivating value of the pellet is in- 
creased, but in general its stimulating power does not seem to 
depend upon secondary factors. 

The selection of the pellet as a test object in the original 
developmental schedule arose out of our desire to establish a 
normative cleavage between the 6 months level and the 12 months 



26 PELLET BEHAVIOR 173 

age level. The pellet response did Indeed prove to be a useful 
criterion of 9 months maturity. Some of the most interesting 
behavior responses take place in the age zone between 32 weeks 
and 44 weeks. An extended study, however, has shown that the 
pellet can be used as a visual stimulus object for infants as young 
as 8 weeks and that it elicits distinguishable gradations of response 
at lunar month Intervals from 1 weeks through 50 weeks. These 
gradations in prehensory pattern have proved in general to be so 
consistent that we have come to regard the pellet situation as 
having a superior degree of inherent experimental control. 

Here, as elsewhere, there are variable factors of personality > 
current mood, immediately antecedent experience, and possibly 
also constitutional variations in neuromotor type. In spite of all 
of these variations the development of patterns of approach and of 
appropriation, and to a lesser extent of disposal, pursues a lawful 
course which is summarized in some detail below. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. Table top situations were not presented to infants 
below the age of IS weeks. We have, however, seen one normative 
8 weeks-old infant pay unmistakable regard to the pellet under 
the conditions of the normative examination. This infant was 
briefly made an exception because of his advanced postural control. 
About one child out of four in the normative group of 12 weeks 
infants pays some kind of regard for the pellet. This regard is 
usually delayed, momentary, and passive. Nearly all of the infants, 
however, give regard to the examiner's incoming hand, the re- 
maining regard going to the table top, to the surroundings, or to 
the infant's own hand. The examiner's hand is such an attractive 
focus of attention that it sometimes displaces regard for the pellet. 
Pellet regard, therefore is nascent and insecurely established at 
the age of 1 weeks. Frequently the examiner must give directive 
assistance by tapping to elicit the regard which is obtained. Some- 
times the examiner resorts to repeated trials to elicit objective 
signs of ocular fixation upon the pellet. 

Even at 16 weeks it is at times difficult to confirm visual 
fixation. This Indefinite regard may be momentary or starey in 
either the standard or near median position. Exactly one-half 
of the infants fail to perceive the pellet under the conditions of the 
examination. The incoming hand of the examiner receives definite 
regard and, interestingly enough, 30 per cent of the infants at 16 



174 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 

SITUATION: PELLET (P) 



P 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 

ia 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
SO 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
88 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 
55 
66 
57 
58 


Regards (s m p or n.zn p-)> 








28 
15 
5 
21 
75 

20 
15 
10 

15 
& 
50 
80 
55 
40 

10 



5 

15 
5 


50 

34 
27 
20 

45 
20 
31 
11 
13 

29 
36 
5 
68 
40 
56 

9 

4 
9 

7 

27 






12 



9 
9 


91 

80 
74 

U 
48 
41 
59 

? 
27 

65 

12 
12 
38 
24 
18 
6 
27 
3 
11 

3 

24 
27 


8 
8 

8 
21 



6 

SI 


94 
89 
83 

33 
35 
58 

39 
25 
33 
22 
11 
11 
19 
47 
8 
14 
39 
83 
45 
53 
28 
5 
33 
58 
19 

33 
33 

5 
5 


16 
45 



14 

28 


97 
97 
94 

24 
25 
64 
6 
15 
18 
73 
3 
9 
3 
15 
3 
9 
24 
91 
73 
67 
64 
18 
SB 
91 
64 
21 
76 
64 
12 
9 
9 
3 

58 
61 
6 
30 

27 
21 
6 
15 
9 

9 
3 

21 
70 
100 

29 

6 
15 


100 
100 
96 

12 
12 
82 


11 
94 

3 
18 
15 
3 
3 
11 
100 
85 
85 
38 
29 
27 
100 
76 
53 
91 
59 
57 
35 
29 
12 
6 
82 
44 
3 
59 

56 

&f 
15 
41 
24 
21 
6 

6 

47 
80 
57 

23 
12 

11 

22 


100 
100 
100 

11 
11 

86 

9 

94 

6 
3 
9 


3 
100 
86 
91 
29 
32 
20 
100 
97 
BO 
72 
32 
26 
72 
37 
37 
17 
60 
52 
11 
72 
25 
52 
14 

u 

66 
, 52 

9 
29 
3 

ao 

9 
17 
46 
63 
20 
60 
32 

10 
3 


100 
100 
100 
3 
3 
92 

11 
3 
95 

5 
5 
5 


3 
100 
86 
95 
19 
60 
8 
100 
100 
84 
62 
19 
16 
81 
33 
57 
16 
54 
57 
35 
100 
38 
51 
16 
8 
81 
76 
SO 
51 
3 
16 
22 
11 
30 
30 
26 
66 
38 
11 
7 
3 
14 


100 
100 
100 

3 
3 
94 

18 
97 

3 

29 
24 

3 

100 
94 
94 
4 
44 
6 
100 
100 
94 
32 

15 
91 
29 
59 

H 
35 
24 
6 
94 
38 
3.2 

9 
85 
71 

9 
53 

18 

47 
38 

H 

U 
46 
6 
62 
68 

n 

7 

4 
24 


100 
100 
100 

100 

14 
97 



ss 
11 

100 
92 
100 

19 
14 
3 
100 
100 
97 
25 

97 

25 
72 
14 
19 
14 
6 
100 
70 
25 


97 
81 

25 
70 

n 
42 
& 
11 
36 
86 
8 
100 
70 
SS 
10 
7 
25 


100 
100 
100 

96 
11 
100 

9 
21 

98 
96 
98 

9 
17 
2 
98 
98 
98 
23 

4 
98 
19 
79 

15 
15 
11 
8 
98 
77 

19 

4 
96 
91 

19 
79 
28 
38 
28 
9 
35 
35 

83 
68 

m 

7 
4 
26 


100 
100 
100 

100 
15 
100 

11 

100 
89 
93 

12 

100 
100 
96 

12 

96 

8 
92 
8 
4 
11 
8 
100 
96 
8 

100 
96 

8 
92 

19 
59 
33 
7 
S7 
37 

82 
82 

30 
4 

37 




"Regards'" (confirmed) 


Regards after delay . . 


(If regards) regards after delay 


Regards Immediately 


Regards momentarily 


Regards recurrently 


Regards prolongedly . 


Regards consistently 


Regards passively 


Regards surroundings 
Regards Examiner , 


Regards Examiner's hand . . , ,,..., 


Regards table top . 


Regards hand , 


Fingers table top near pellet . . . 


Approaches .. 


Approaches promptly. 


Approaches with, one hand. . . .... 


Places hand over pellet 


Approaches with index finger extended *. 
Dislodges on contact. 


Contacts pellet 


Hand flexes on pellet . .... 


Hand flexes thumb participates 


Flexes fingers on or neat pellet 


Flexes fingers on or near pellet, thumb par. 
Flexes fingers on or near pel., thumb op. fin. 
Thumb and index finger meet. 


Flexes fingers, thumb and index meet 
Flexes thumb and index finger independ .... 
FI. fin., th. meets in, and sec. fin. or sec. fin. 
Hand flexes without grasp ... 


Manipulates pellet on table top 


Pokes pellet 


Grasps pellet 


Grasps promptly . . . 


Grasps with fingers 


Grasps with finger flexion, thumb not par . . 
Grasps with finger and thumb flexion 


Grasps, thumb participates 


Grasps between thumb and index finger. . . , 
Grasps, thumb-index meeting, fingers flexing 
Grasps with inde. thumb-index finger flexion 
Plucks pellet .... 


Brings to mouth . ..... 


Manipulates pellet above table top .... 


Brings pellet to platform, 




(If grasped) drops . 


(If drops) drops immediately 


(If drops) resecures from, table top. ..... , 


Retains pellet. ... . . 


Releases and resecures pellet. 


Vocalizes. ... . . * 


Freta , 


Postural activity. .. .. . 





26 PELLET BEHAVIOR 175 

weeks as compared with only 10 per cent at 12 weeks regard also 
the examiner's outgoing hand. This visual pick-up of hand 
withdrawal represents a growth increment in the perceptual field. 

One-half of the 16 weeks infants were credited with regard for 
the pellet. This regard is usually passive and only rarely is it 
prevailing or even recurrent. The infant's own hands are a domi- 
nant source of distraction but regard also goes to the examiner, 
to the surroundings, and to the table top. Only occasionally does 
regard shift from the hand to the pellet. Although the regard is 
sufficiently mobile to pursue both incoming and outgoing hand, 
the manifestations of recurrent and consistent pellet regard are 
relatively meager. The pellet clearly reveals the formativeness 
and primitiveness of perceptual patterns at this level of maturity. 

By 20 weeks a definite increment asserts itself in the perceptual 
field. Three-fourths of the children perceive the pellet in the 
standard median position and give definite regard which can be 
readily confirmed by altering the position of the pellet on the table 
top. In four out of ten children the regard is immediate. Character- 
istically it is passive, the hands and arms remaining relatively 
quiescent. This is in significant contrast to the active regard 
evoked by a larger object like the cup. Regard for the pellet is 
characteristically momentary, but it is less fitful and sketchy 
than at 16 weeks and can be more easily elicited by the examiner. 

At 24 weeks nearly all of the children give definite regard to the 
pellet. In six out of ten this regard is immediate. In eight out of ten 
it is active rather than passive. The relative quiescence of arm and 
hand movements at 16 weeks during momentary regard may mean 
that the perceptual mechanisms then were so immature that 
their restricted exercise was more important in the economy of 
development than the establishment of correlated prehensory 
approach movements. Since these movements are more ac- 
centuated, at 24 weeks, it may be inferred that the perceptions 
themselves are more advanced. It is probable that the visual 
organizations are generally in advance of the prehensory. The 
hand waits on the eye, even though the eye may in time become a 
surrogate of the hand. 

At 24 weeks momentary regard is still frequent (39 per cent), 
but is giving place to more prolonged, recurrent, and sustained 
forms of regard. Regard still wanders readily from the pellet, 
but perceptual susceptibility is greater; for, by a tap of the finger, 
the examiner can readily redirect the regard, to the pellet. The 



176 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 26 

labile and formative nature of the perceptual trends at this age is 
shown by the fact that shifts of regard were noted in four out of 
every ten infants. At 28 weeks such shifts of regard are much less 
frequent and three-fourths of the children give sustained and 
consistent regard throughout the situation. Two-thirds of the 
children give immediate regard. Immediacy of regard becomes 
virtually universal at 40 weeks and thereafter. Consistent regard 
becomes well-nigh universal at 32 weeks and remains so during 
subsequent age levels. 

Speaking in broad summary it may be said that the first half 
of the first year of life is concerned with steadily building up and 
almost completing the perceptual equipment for the visual regard 
of small objects like the pellet. During the second semester the 
associated mechanisms of approach, of grasp and appropriation 
are built up in a comparable manner and are near perfection by the 
end of the year. Throughout the first semester the infants contact 
the pellet only through the eyes but at 28 weeks nearly all contact 
it with the hand as well. At 28 weeks eye and hand functions have 
come into closer correlation. But the finer mechanisms of grasp 
in swift obedience to visual control are so refined that another 
half year of maturation is necessary to bring about this perfection. 

A. Prehensory Approach. The pellet situation neatly reveals 
the progressive advances in promptness and precision of approach, 
which constitute the first phase of the total act of prehension. 
Approach is a slightly broader term than reaching. It includes 
all manual and arm movements stimulated by any object which 
on visual (or tactile) perception becomes the goal of immediate 
appropriation. The object may be within or beyond reach. It 
may be the moon or it may be the pellet. Thus definite approach 
movements are closely associated with head straining and with 
postural adjustments. Seemingly nonadaptive hand and arm 
movements which occur even at 8 weeks in the presence of an 
exciting object may be considered approach movements if these 
movements are accentuated or increased by the presence of the 
visually perceived object. In its broad sense, approach must be 
considered a form of goal-seeking orientation which merges into 
reaching, as reaching merges into grasp, and as grasp merges into 
manipulation. Because of this genetic and dynamic continuity, 
one can scarcely draw a sharp line between approach and grasp. 

At 12 weeks the infant may flex his fingers, or abduct and 
adduct his hand on the table top after the pellet is presented. 



26 PELLET BEHAVIOR 177 

But since only about one infant in four perceives the pellet, most 
of this arm-hand activity cannot be construed as approach. When 
the intensity and duration of the activity bear a demonstrable 
relation to the visual perception, we may regard it as rudimentary 
or incipient approach. At 16 weeks these movements may undergo 
reduction during moments of visual fixation upon the pellet, 
possibly to favor development of perception itself. But such an 
inhibitory effect upon the manual and arm movements must also 
be considered as a phase in the development of approach and 
appropriation. 

At 20 weeks active approach movements are more conspicuous 
and frequent. One child in four actually contacts the pellet, albeit 
fortuitously, during periods of increased activity. Passive regard, 
however, is highly characteristic of the 20 weeks age level. As 
already suggested, the sensory aspect of perception is in the forma- 
tive stage and dominates the total pattern of adjustment. The 
hand-arm movements are somewhat secondary and only crudely 
associated with the visual perception. At 24 weeks this association 
is so far advanced that approach takes on a directed, striving, and 
unilateral character. Very few of the infants actually contact the 
pellet but the hand, which previously rarely attained the pellet, 
is now coming within the penumbra of its goal. At 24 weeks the 
approach movements are crudely executed without any fine ad- 
justment or anticipatory flexion of the fingers. The fingers are in 
partial extension, the pronate hand functioning like a paw and 
sweeping in from a lateral direction. 

At 28 weeks there is a significant improvement in this crude, 
paw-like orientation. Indeed the orientation is becoming true 
reaching, and approach adjustments are made even before the 
pellet is placed in position. Moreover, the infant is now able to 
place his hand squarely over the pellet and to flex Ms fingers upon 
it. To be sure, he drops the pellet, even if he secures it, from lack 
of refined grasp. But approach has been achieved and completed 
at a rudimentary level. 

Nature does not, however, permit the infant to linger on this 
low plateau of achievement. Approach undergoes progressive 
delimitation throughout the remaining cycle of the year. Gross 
manual orientation is refined through a specialization of the 
radial digits. Uncritical manual placement gives way to digital 
aiming. The pronate attitude of the hand gives way to a tilting 
of the palm and this leads to abbreviation of time, condensation 



178 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 26 

of mechanism, fluency of movement, and a focallzatloii of ap- 
proach. In a metaphorical way one may visualize the genetic 
gradations in the image of a diminishing spiral which symbolizes 
increasing directness and deftness of movement. This progressive 
focalization is recapitulated in the following developmental 
"stages." A stage, it will be recalled, is a degree of progression. 

Stage 1. The hand is in its most remote relation to the pellet. 
There is perception but no reaching. The hand is either quiescent 
or in relatively uncoordinated activity. This is the zero level of 
approach. 

Stage 2. The hand circumducts on a horizontal plane and 
comes near the margin of the pellet. Contact, however, is fitful 
and almost fortuitous. 

Stage 3. The hand locates near the vicinity of the pellet. 
Flexion of the digits may occur in the vicinity of the pellet. Con- 
tact, though more frequent, is still more or less uncertain. 

Stage 4. The orientation is more adequate. The hand comes 
over the pellet. Approach is overhead as well as lateral. 

Stage 5. The gross manual approximation has given way to a 
digital approximation. The index finger Is placed on the pellet; 
orientation depends on tactile as well as visual cues. This place- 
ment of the index upon the pellet becomes more refined and 
accurate with age. 

Stage 6. The tactile cues diminish in importance and in their 
stead visual (and kinesthetic) factors operate with such precision 
that the index finger neatly overshoots the pellet and comes to a 
poised position beyond the pellet prior to a plucking prehension. 
Concurrently the wrist through forearm rotation assumes a tilted 
attitude and the remaining digits are suppressed in either extension 
or flexion and the act of prehension is consummated in a deft, 
synchronized closure of index finger and thumb. Grasp is implicit 
In the approach. 

When all of these orientations are reviewed in perspective it 
becomes clear that the maturational factors at the basis of pellet 
prehension work in a highly lawful manner to build up a precisely 
sensitive instrument for fine prehension. The gradations are so 
continuous and merge so consistently (and on the whole so uni- 
formly) for different children from one stage into another that the 
whole process declares itself to be one of organic growth rather 
than of training, a process in which primitive forms of reaction 
are partially retained through progressive incorporations in which. 



26 PELLET BEHAVIOR 179 

the subtler mechanisms become grafted upon the grosser. It Is a 
process of balanced consolidation and differentiation. Accordingly 
almost every age level appears to be a transitional one in which 
alternative types of prehension are used by the growing infant. 
But normally he does not retain the cruder forms of prehension 
even though for a time they are more effective than the genetically 
newer forms. 

B. Grasp. We have already referred to the genetic and dy- 
namic continuity between approach and grasp. Indeed in drawing 
up the present summary we had first planned to make our discus- 
sion of approach brief and to concentrate the details in the section 
on grasp. But the detail has crept into the discussion of approach 
and the summary of grasp is thereby correspondingly shortened. 

Approach proves, after all, to be anticipatory grasp and the 
final mechanism of grasp is foreshadowed in the pattern of ap- 
proach which the child displays in the first phase of the act of 
prehension. At the age of 12 weeks only one child out of 20 makes 
"approach movements" sufficiently vigorous and pertinent to 
result in contacting the pellet. Such contacting is far removed 
from grasp. At 12 and 20 weeks the number of contacts is signifi- 
cantly increased and some of these contacts may have a threshold 
value in the genesis of grasp because they at least represent partial 
successes which have been occasioned by an advance upon the 
pellet. Subtle differences in the patterns of contact of the 16 weeks- 
old infant and of the 20 weeks-old infant can be established by 
careful cinema analysis. 

At 24 weeks approach movements are more unilateral; both 
hands make approach but one hand distinctly leads. Fifty-eight 
per cent of the infants actually contact the pellet, but these contacts 
are crudely executed. The hand locates pronately in the vicinity 
of the pellet, but the fingers flex without further orientation so that 
the effective grasp is only occasionally achieved. Flexion may take 
place without actual contact; contact may take place without 
flexion. The pellet is displaced but not grasped. At 28 weeks the 
hand descends over the pellet; hand closure upon the pellet occurs 
in about two-thirds of the children. As a result of this hand closure, 
the pellet may be momentarily grasped, but it is not held. Typi- 
cally the infant drops the pellet; his grasp is so inept that the 
pellet falls. Frequently he seems to brush, drag, or hit the pellet 
on the table top. These activities are probably not true exploitation 
but are functions of his inadequate contact and crude hand 



180 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 6 

closure. The thumb at this age does not participate in the grasp 
efforts. 

This then is the threshold level for a palmar type of grasp in 
which the fingers flex simultaneously, raking or dragging the pellet 
against the palm. Sometimes at a yet earlier age, there occurs a 
more primitive palmar grasp, in which the heel of the palm, by a 
sweeping movement synchronous with simultaneous flexion, 
results in appropriation of the pellet within the hollow of the 
hand. This might well be characterized as a primitive palmar scoop, 
genetically older than the raking flexion. 

At 32 weeks the thumb participates more definitely in this 
raking flexion. The approach upon the pellet is still pronate, the 
mechanism is one of simultaneous flexion of the digits synchro- 
nously with adduction of the thumb. The radial half of the hand 
is more concerned than the ulnar, but the directional control is 
imperfect and very frequently the prehensory attempts are unsuc- 
cessful. An ineffectualcontacting approach is highly characteristic. 
The patterns show transitional and formative characteristics. 
Grasp is usually effected by a modified raking prehension in which 
oppositional activity of the thumb occurs without contributing 
any practical results. 

The 36 weeks age level likewise is transitional, but now the 
transition is from a raking to a picking type of prehension. The 
restriction of activity to the three radial digits is more defined. 
An increased mobility and independence of the thumb are evident 
and tend toward a forceps type of approach upon the pellet. 
But the thumb mechanisms are still so immature and so imperfect 
that the grasp takes on a variable scissors form. Typically the 
thumb sweeps In as the remaining digits are flexed and the pellet 
is caught between the volar surface of the thumb and the mesial 
aspect of the index or second finger. There are many variations 
of this scissors pattern depending upon the position of the pellet 
and the maturity of the coordination of the thumb and radial 
digits. The scissors type of grasp is displayed characteristically 
at the 36 weeks level but it by no means occurs uniformly in its 
classical purity. In general, successful grasp at 36 weeks may be 
described as a raking flexion with thumb cooperation. Thumb 
opposition is more defined than at 32 weeks and the digits are 
usually In extension during the approach upon the pellet. 

The specialization of the radial digits comes into clear expres- 
sion at 40 weeks. Typically the infant extends the index finger on 



26 PELLET BEHAVIOR 181 

approach, places it on the pellet, and picks the pellet by synchro- 
nous flexion of the index finger and thumb; the remaining fingers 
flex soon if they are not already flexed. Sometimes he uses the 
scissors grasp. This is the nascent period for index finger extension, 
a behavior trait which shows itself in many other situations at 
this and the next succeeding age level. In his exploitations and 
explorations, the infant pokes at varied foci in his environment. 
Frequently his index finger lingers upon the pellet in a manner 
which expresses this same poking proclivity. This lingering may 
also express his dependence upon tactile cues. He makes what 
may be called a contacting approach upon the pellet and prehends 
it on the basis of this tactile contact. 

At 44 weeks the index finger extension is still better defined; 
raking flexion is infrequent and visual guidance displaces tactile. 
The index finger does not linger so long, and its placement upon 
the pellet is more accurate. Hand closure without grasp, which 
recurs with great frequency at intervals from 8 weeks through 
40 weeks, is now relatively infrequent and will have disappeared 
almost completely at the end of the year. Although the scissors 
grasp may be resorted to frequently, it is on the wane. Forty- 
four weeks marks the beginning of true picking of the pellet by 
opposition of the volar surfaces of the index finger and thumb with 
increased suppression of the remaining digits in the act of seizure. 

At 48 weeks the picking type of grasp is yet better defined. 
It is more prompt and skillful; the hand is more tilted in approach; 
and the visual control is more precise, as shown by the promptness 
of secural. Inhibition of the ulnar digits is correspondingly more 
advanced. This focalization of the act of prehension comes to 
culmination at 5 weeks and at 56 weeks of age. The visual con- 
trol, as already indicated, is so well established that the index 
finger is neatly aimed to overshoot the farther margin of the 
pellet or it approaches tangentially in a manner which makes for 
promptness and nicety. The infant frequently executes his pre- 
hension with such dispatch that the pellet may be in his mouth 
before we have time even to begin a description of the behavior 
pattern. The cinema records, as analyzed by Castner and by 
Halverson, reveal a remarkable perfection of mechanism which 
suggests that by the end of the first year of life the infant has come 
near to an adult level of neuromuscular adeptness. 

Disposal. During most of the first year of life the pellet 
appears to present a problem of prehension and the exploitational 



182 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 2 

activity is relatively small in amount. Not until the age of 32 weeks 
do over 50 per cent of the children secure the pellet. Both at this 
age and at 28 weeks, the pellet is frequently contacted in a manner 
which objectively simulates pushing, dragging, or hitting. These 
terms suggest that the child is an active agent exploiting the pellet 
in a purposive manner. Such connotations are heavily laden with 
interpretation and are not justified by evidence. Most of this 
activity with the pellet on the table top arises out of the physical 
limitations of the pellet's size and of the neuromuscular insuf- 
ficiency of the child. At these age levels he frequently drops the 
pellet if he should grasp it. This dropping is not to be interpreted 
as exploitive activity, although at the 52 weeks level such ex- 
ploitational dropping may occur. At 32 weeks he does not resecure 
the pellet if he drops it. At 40 weeks about one child out of three 
definitely pokes the pellet on the table top. But even this term 
must be used with caution because the application of the tip of 
the index finger to the pellet may be more safely interpreted as a 
necessary part of the new type of prehension which is taking place. 
The infant is not necessarily poking the pellet for the sake of 
poking. Sometimes, however, the poking becomes an active tracing 
exploitation which displaces grasp. 

At nearly all ages the infant is usually more absorbed in the 
act of prehension as prehension and his follow-up activity after 
secural is relatively meager until about the age of 44 weeks and 
thereafter. At 44 weeks active exploitation, including deliberate 
releasing for resecural and mouthing, increases in frequency. The 
pellet may be held up for inspection. It may be transferred. It 
may be rolled and twiddled, although even here there must be 
caution with regard to interpretation. Exploitation at these ages 
is further limited by the facility and directness with which the 
child carries the pellet to the mouth. The hand-to-mouth tendency 
in some children is much stronger than in others and is probably 
based upon food motivation. Some children at the age of 52 weeks 
manipulate the pellet as though it were an object to be played with 
and not to be eaten. At 56 weeks over half of the children carry 
the pellet to the mouth, many of them with great dispatch. The 
Interpretive hazards attached to the concept of exploitation have 
already been suggested. It must be borne in mind that for many 
weeks before the time when the infant is able to grasp the pellet, 
he shows a consistent degree of interest In it. This interest may 
have no relation to potential manipulative exploitation. 



26 PELLET BEHAVIOR. 183 

All things considered, it is a very impressive fact that the pellet 
has such a nearly universal appeal from the age of weeks onward. 
It is no small task to make a theoretical explanation of this fact. 
Does the appeal rest on some peculiar configurational potency 
inherent in small objects per se? Time and time again in the course 
of our examinations of infants we find the infants definitely, even 
though momentarily, distracted by tiny scratches on the table 
top, by a small mark on the bottom of the cup, by a shred of 
cotton, etc. Recently we observed a profoundly defective child 
two and a half years of age wiio scarcely gave heed to the chair, 
to the table, or to the cabinet of toys in her immediate surround- 
ings. A pellet was placed upon the table and, in spite of her patho- 
logical instability of attention, she gave transient heed to this 
pellet though she had disregarded all other objects in the room. 

Attentiveness to the pellet, therefore, may be due to a peculiar 
form of discreteness which gives it a paradoxically disproportionate 
stimulus value. The great absorption and perseverance which 
infants display in their prehensory attacks upon the pellet also 
suggest that the dynamic factors cannot be construed in terms of 
playful or exploitive interest. It is more as though the child were 
driven by a zeal to exercise and to perfect his mechanisms of 
prehension. Whether a small object like the pellet has a peculiarly 
affective value is of course a matter of pure speculation. The 
selective interest which infants display in pursuing tiny crumbs 
of bread or cake or individual granules of sugar on the high-chair 
tray are familiar. Here again we may ask, Is the primary interest 
perceptual, psychomotor, or gastronomic? It may of course on 
different occasions be any one of these. 

The whole problem has a comparative aspect which might 
repay investigation. Food seeking requires an interest in small 
objects, and it may well be that in early stages of racial evolution 
sensitiveness to small sources of food had survival value. May 
this evolutionary 'factor add zest to small objects which come 
within the range of the infant's vision? Such considerations, 
however, are so speculative and inadequate that we prefer to 
interpret the patterns of pellet behavior as an expression of the 
growth needs and growth characteristics of the infant. He is 
interested in small things as soon as his organic equipment permits 
him to sense them, and he strives to acquire them because he 
cannot achieve full mastery of his environment or attain the 
potential organization of his nervous system unless he persever- 



184 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 27 

ingly strives, as do all infants, toward even such a small and 
insignificant object as the 7 nini. pellet. 

7. PELLET AND BOTTLE BEHAVIOR 

(32 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 





FIG. 7. Pellet and bottle behavior: 44 weeks and 48 weeks. 

/, 

With the bottle in the left hand, the pellet in the right, the 
examiner brought both objects into the infant's plane of vision 
above the transverse standard line. The examiner dropped the 
pellet into the bottle while the infant was looking and then prof- 
fered the bottle to the infant or placed it in the near median 
position. After appropriate observation, the examiner placed the 
bottle in the lane to the left of the standard median position and 
the pellet beside it at the right. If the infant did not spontaneously 
combine pellet and bottle, the examiner attempted to induce 
insertion by command and pointing close to the neck of the bottle. 

Stimulus, Factors 

The stimulus values of the pellet are elsewhere described. The 
pellet alone was used as an observation device as early as 12 weeks. 
The pellet and bottle together were first presented at the 32 weeks 
"age level. The bottle is two and a half inches in height and one and 
three-eighths inches in diameter, the neck is seven-eighths inches 
wide. It is made of strong glass. Its hard, smooth texture and 
glistening surface make appeal to hand, mouth, and eye. The 
transparency of the glass readily permits the infant to see the 



_S7 PELLET AND BOTTLE BEHAVIOR 185 

pellet within the bottle. The pellet remains a visible, but not a 
directly accessible, object. How does he overcome a transparent 
barrier ? 

The rivalry in stimulus values of the pellet and the bottle is 
tested in several ways. At first the infant sees only the bottle as 
the examiner holds it before him. While the infant looks on, the 
pellet is dropped within the bottle. In a later situation the pellet 
and bottle are placed side by side about four inches apart. If the 
infant does not spontaneously insert the pellet in the bottle, the 
stimulus of the examiner's command and gesture is added. Once 
within the bottle, the pellet creates a new problem if the infant 
feels impelled to separate the pellet from the bottle. This me- 
chanical problem of securing the pellet, which is so simple for the 
child of 18 months, is far from simple for the infant less than one 
year of age. The movement of the pellet when the containing 
bottle is agitated creates a novel situation for the infant and may 
excite him to exploitive behavior. This interest in the movement 
of the pellet occasionally displaces his interest in securing the 
pellet, but the latter interest usually dominates. 

In combination the pellet and bottle have proved instructive 
observation materials which maintain an exploitive interest for 
the child throughout the preschool years. The relationships of 
container and contained are diverse* and present many problems 
to the infant. They figure in the cup and spoon, cup and cube, form- 
board, and other normative situations. These relationships reveal 
their complexity in pellet and bottle behavior. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. All the normative children from 3 to 56 weeks of age 
regard the bottle. It is probable that at some time in the situation 
most of the children also give at least momentary visual heed to 
the pellet, but at 3 weeks the preoccupation with the bottle may 
be so strong as to exclude perception of the pellet. There is an 
interesting reciprocal relationship between attentiveness to the 
bottle as opposed to attentiveness to the pellet. Our percentages 
show a regular decline in predominance of interest for the bottle 
from 32 to 56 weeks, and a corresponding increase in predominance 
of attention to the pellet between these same ages. On a graph the 
curves cross; 44 weeks is a transitional period. At that age slightly 
over half of the children give predominant attention to the bottle, 



186 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



SITUATION: PELLET AND BOTTLE (P-Bo) 



P~Bo 


Behavior items 


4 


G 


8 





16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


PELLET IN BOTTLE 
Regards pellet as dropped In bottle. 


















31 


33 


80 


82 


83 


75 


23 


2 


Regards pellet In bottle . 


















12 


26 


37 


67 


69 


78 


96 


3 


Attends predominantly to bottle 


















90 


88 


65 


53 


24 


22 


16 


4 


4.ttends predominantly to pellet 


















10 




24 


36 


53 


78 


84 


5 


Attends simul to pellet and bottle 























11 


n 










6 




















44 


56 


57 


33 


41 






7 


Bangs or bits bottle on table top 


















31 


30 


30 


22 


$8 


19 


4 


8 


Brings bottle to mouth 


















69 


67 


60 


45 


45 


35 


19 


9 
10 


Manipulates bottle above table top 
Rotates bottle 


















50 

19 


85 

33 


83 

30 


82 

,97 


97 

31 


92 

25 


96 

8 


11 


Turns bottle upside down 


















19, 


1ft 


37 


22 


41 


1,9 


19 


12 


Turns bottle over . ... 


















If) 


30 


10 


22 




36 


54 


13 


Waves or shakes bottle 




















7 


23 


22 


87 


87 


27 


14 


Pokes at pellet 


















12 


15 


27 


33 


52 


50 


54 


15 


Pokes finger in bottle 




















11 


7 


19 


17 


9,5 


31 


16 


Pellet falls out of bottle . 


















56 


59 


77 


82 


83 


95 


77 


17 


Apparently adapts manlp. so pellet 
drops out. . 





















14 


21 


42 


48 


56 


7R 


18 


PELLET DROPPED FBOM BOTTLE 
IManipulates bottle as before 


















77 


81 




99 


90 


99. 


5 


19 


Attends to bottle only 


















66 


56 


43 


31 


00 


18 





20 

22 


Perceives disappear, of pellet from bottle 
Regards pellet after dropped from bottle. 
Pursues pellet. .. 


















44 
11 


25 
44 
31 


30 
69 
35 


45 
82 
68 


63 
83 

75 


68 
79 

73 


75 
90 
90 


23 


Grasps pellet 






















30 


45 


54 


68 


70 


24 


[Manipulates pellet above table top 






















13 





38 


41 


55 


25 


Combines pellet and bottle. 






















9 


8 


37 


41 


55 


26 


Brings pellet to bottle 





























37 


50 


27 


Places pellet in bottle . . 


























\& 






28 
29 


Turns to side, pivots or creeps 
PELLET BESIDE BOTTLE 
Holds pellet over bottle 




















4 


7 


19 
R 


28 


12 
63 


15 
63 


30 


Releases pellet over top of bottle 
























fi 


3"? 


47 


54, 





































even while the pellet is in the bottle; at 48 weeks, an equal number 
of children give predominant heed to the pellet. This rise and fall 
in the individual curves for these two competing objects reflects 
fundamental growth changes in perception and exploitation. 
Otherwise the trends would not be so consistently shown. 

At 32 and at 86 weeks only one child in three definitely regards 
the pellet as it is dropped into the bottle. At 40 weeks, however, 
this regard becomes well defined and remains so in most children 
throughout the remaining age levels. The infant also begins to 
peer into the neck of the bottle, itself a new behavior item. Indeed, 
at 40 weeks, almost half of the children perceptibly lower their 
eyes to follow the pellet in its descent. At 44 weeks and thereafter, 
about three-fourths of the children lower their eyes in this adaptive 
manner. The number of children who give regard to the pellet in 
the bottle increases steadily from 12 per cent at .82 weeks to 96 



7 PELLET AND BOTTLE BEHAVIOR 187 

per cent at 56 weeks, rising normatively to 67 per cent at 44 weeks 
of age. 

When the pellet falls out of the bottle, either by accident or by 
adaptive manipulation, Its disappearance Is not heeded by two 
children out of three even at the age of 40 weeks. At 48 weeks, 
on the other hand, approximately two children out of three do 
perceive the disappearance of the pellet. In other words, at 32 
weeks and at 36 weeks the bottle continues to absorb the attention, 
and activity with the bottle continues as though the pellet had not 
dropped out. Even at 40 weeks the activity continues unchanged 
in two out of three children. After 44 weeks, however, the course 
of activity with the bottle definitely alters with the expulsion of 
the pellet, activity shifting to the pellet. The pellet is pursued or 
it is grasped. 

In these behavior items we have confirmatory evidence of 
the fact that 44 weeks is a transitional period in which the percep- 
tual organization permits somewhat equal attentiveness to pellet 
and bottle. At later ages there Is a progressive focalization upon 
the pellet. These perceptual trends, however, can not be considered 
in Isolation because they are closely bound up with changes in 
exploitive activity and are a function of the child's response to the 
total situation rather than of his receptivity as such. But when one 
considers the numerous variable contingencies in the pellet and 
bottle situation it is remarkable that the trends from age to age 
are as defined as they are. These trends are equally evident in a 
biographic cinema record such as that which is delineated in the 
Atlas of Infant Behavior. 

It is difficult to discuss the perception of infancy in any general 
terms. We have already noted that even the 12 weeks-old infant 
may give momentary regard to the pellet. We do not bring this 
perceptual capacity into question when we note that the 32 weeks- 
old infant may entirely disregard the pellet in the pellet and bottle 
situation. In competition with the glistening bulk of the bottle 
the pellet, which against a neutral background mobilizes the whole 
reaction system of the infant, now sinks into obscurity. 

When the pellet and bottle are placed side by side, the per- 
ceptual reactions are similar to those already outlined, but there 
are differences which arise from the altered juxtaposition. Observa- 
tion of a limited number of cases suggests that initial regard is for 
the bottle at 40 weeks, but at 44 weeks the initial regard is for the 
pellet. 



188 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 27 

Prehension and Manipulation. Nearly all of the normative 
Infants (from 32 to 56 weeks of age) approach the bottle without 
delay after the pellet Is dropped in. The Infants may extend the 
arms before the bottle Is within reach, apparently expressing 
anticipation and eagerness. At 40 weeks and beyond, the index 
finger is often extended and directed toward the pellet in the bottle, 
suggesting selective interest in the pellet as well as increased 
independence of the poking digit. Virtually all the children pick 
up the bottle at 32 weeks; it is grasped by encircling fingers and 
with partial thumb opposition. At this age the child grasps the 
bottle somewhat crudely with one or both hands, and after momen- 
tary inspection carries it to the mouth. He may withdraw the 
bottle with brief inspection and return it to the mouth. Manipula- 
tion is very limited and usually restricted to a slight degree of turning. 

At the higher age levels, prehension of the bottle becomes 
digital and thumb opposition is better defined. At 32 and at 36 
weeks, bimanual grasp and manipulation are common. At 40 weeks 
both hands are frequently applied to the bottle, but with a shifting 
of manipulatory activity from one hand to the other with partial 
or complete transfer. At the higher age levels, unilateral manipula- 
tion is characteristic because a growing interest in combining 
activity prompts the infant to apply the pellet to the bottle, or, 
It may be, the bottle to the pellet. Descriptively this last sentence 
is permissible; but it may contain unwarranted interpretation. 
The because Is gratuitous; it is also reasonable to suggest that 
unilaterality brings about new forms of discriminative combining 
activity. Neither is brought about by the other alone; both grow 
together. 

During the 40*s when there is a distribution of interest between 
the pellet and the bottle, first one object is grasped and then the 
other. At 52 weeks the pellet may receive almost exclusive atten- 
tion. But at 52 weeks, when the pellet is beside the bottle, there 
may also be simultaneous approach upon and simultaneous seizure 
of both objects. Although this interesting change in pattern has 
not been studied in detail, it marks a significant advance over the 
cruder bimanual approach upon the bottle, without regard for the 
pellet. This simultaneous seizure of pellet and bottle at 52 weeks 
is followed by immediate combining. Again the causal relation- 
ships are obscure. Does attention to two associated objects have to 
wait upon the neuromuscular maturation of the ability to simul- 
taneously seize these two objects? 



27 PELLET AND BOTTLE BEHAVIOR 189 

There Is clearly a developmental Increase in the versatility and 
degree of rotational manipulations of the bottle. These rotational 
manipulations may at first result in accidental spilling of the pellet, 
but at 52 weeks and at 56 weeks about half the children show an 
adaptive turning of the bottle upside down to expel the pellet. 
Waving, brandishing, and shaking of the bottle are almost absent 
at 32 weeks, and at 36 weeks of age. This type of manipulatory 
exploitation was noted in 37 per cent of the children both at 48 
and at 52 weeks of age. Interest in mouthing is more casual at 
44 weeks. Gross motor activity, including pivoting and even creep- 
ing, occurs in one child out of four at 48 weeks. At 32, 36, and 40 
weeks, exploitational activity is chiefly confined to the bottle, 
which is manipulated on the table top with greatest frequency 
at these ages. Banging may occur at every age except 56 weeks. 

Spontaneous combining activity in the pellet beside the bottle 
situation was present in only one child out of five at 44 weeks. 
The percentages (based on a reduced number of cases) for this 
item rose from per cent at 40 weeks to 74 per cent at 52 weeks 
and to 67 per cent at 56 weeks. The combining consisted in 
approaching the bottle with the pellet or the pellet with the bottle. 
The combining increased in precision and adaptiveness. At 44 
weeks only 9 per cent of the children held the pellet over the 
bottle; at 52 and at 56 weeks, 63 per cent of the children held the 
pellet over the bottle. It is significant, however, that a smaller 
number (47 per cent at 52 weeks and 54 per cent at 56 weeks) 
attempted to release the pellet, usually with success, at these ages. 
The number of children at 44 weeks who approached the bottle 
with the pellet was definitely increased when the examiner made 
the command with accompanying gesture. 

Whereas only 8 per cent combined spontaneously at 44 weeks, 
37 per cent combined responsively by holding the pellet over the 
bottle. Of these one in three released the pellet in the bottle. If we 
merge the cases of spontaneous combining and responsive combin- 
ing, we find that slightly over half (53 per cent) of the children 
attempted or accomplished release of the pellet in the bottle at 
48 weeks. Usually the child holds the bottle in one hand while he 
inserts with the other. At 52 weeks he sometimes leaves the bottle 
standing on the table top while he responsively brings the pellet 
to the neck of the bottle. This is a more advanced reaction. 

Release of the pellet shows a significant increase of deftness and 
prehension with maturity. This ability is only imperfectly devel- 



190 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 27 

oped by the first birthday and undergoes subsequent improvement. 
When the child Is two, three, or four years of age, we may place 
as many as ten pellets beside the bottle and witness a nice place- 
ment of each pellet in the bottle. Sometimes the older child picks 
up three or four, or even more, and successfully transfers them with 
prompt release into the bottle. With age, the tendency toward 
"ritualization" becomes manifest; spontaneously the child pours 
all the pellets from the bottle only to reinsert them, without 
suggestion or command by the examiner. Ritualization is a rein- 
statement of the situation, a method of defining and perhaps 
improving new abilities; but it is itself a general ability, an intrinsic 
product of growth. 

In following the course of pellet and bottle behavior, it is 
difficult to differentiate between cause and effect and between 
maturation in the broad sense and learning in the specific sense; 
between chance and intention; between indifferent manipulation 
and experimental exploitation. Expulsion of the pellet from the 
bottle is at first (at 32 and 36 weeks) so fortuitous that it may not 
even be noted by the infant when it happens; but at 56 weeks a 
highly adaptive turning of the bottle to expel the pellet is present. 
Flashes of insight seem to occur but only when the infant is sensi- 
tized thereto by his maturity. The momentary insight, however, 
is not so far reaching that he achieves once and for all a mastery 
of the act of adaptively turning the bottle. There is a progressive 
improvement in this adaptiveness which is determined by the 
gradual maturing of his neuromuscular equipment; likewise, his 
spontaneous "insight 5 * and his responsiveness to demonstration 
have to wait for such maturing. 

The developmental trends of pellet and bottle behavior may be 
outlined in seven stages. For simplicity, the stages are made to 
correspond (approximately) with successive lunar month intervals. 

Stage 1 (32 weeks). Predominant interest in the bottle, shown 
by mouthing and limited manipulation. 

Stage (36 weeks). Increased manipulation of the bottle but 
disregard of the pellet even on spilling. 

Stage 3 (40 weeks). Heedfulness of the pellet as examiner 
drops it into the bottle. Predominant interest in the bottle with 
monentary or secondary regard for the pellet in the pellet and 
bottle situations. 

Stage 4 (44 weeks). Selective interest in the pellet as shown 
by fugitive poking of it in the bottle and by primary interest in 
the pellet when it is beside the bottle. 



BELL BEHAVIOR 



191 



Stage 5 (48 weeks). Elaborated Interest in the pellet shown 
by a poking pursuit of the pellet in the bottle. Greater readiness 
to insert the pellet on command. 

Stage 6 (5 weeks). Adaptive manipulation of the bottle to 
expel the pellet. 

Stage 7 (56 weeks). Spontaneous insertion of the pellet in 
bottle. 

28. BELL BEHAVIOR 
The Situation 





FIG. 28. Bell behavior: 16 weeks and o weeks. 

The examiner presented the bell in the standard manner, 
placing it in the standard median position and when necessary 
in the near median position. After appropriate observation the 
examiner demonstrated bell ringing. He seized the bell with 
overhead grasp, waved it up and down three or four times and then 
placed it in the near median position. After an appropriate interval 
of observation, he repeated the demonstration a second and a 
third time. 

Stimulus Factors 

In physical make-up the bell is a relatively simple object, 
but it is sufficiently diversified in its stimulus factors to call forth 
significant, progressive differentiations in the infant's reactions. 
These differentiations proceed by subtle gradations, but become 
striking in the long perspective of ten lunar months, from 16 to 
56 weeks. 

To adult analysis the bell consists of a combination of a cylin- 
drical handle, a conical bowl, and a swinging lever (the clapper). 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 28 

The infant makes no such analysis, but he discovers and defines 
these components of the bell in his own way. Optically the bell 
presents a contrast in the blackness of the handle and the bright 
silveriness of the bowl. This is a stimulus factor to which the infant 
responds surprisingly early. The perpendicularity and low center of 
gravity of the bell make distinctive physical problems for prehen- 
sion and manipulation. The rim and the cavity of the bowl and the 
pendant clapper constitute specific foci for selective and for more 
or less sustained regard and, later, for active exploitation. The 
sound-producing properties whether self induced or demonstrated 
by the examiner widen the stimulus values of the bell and increase 
its usefulness as a clue to advancing patterns of behavior. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. At 16 weeks regard is typically immediate, intent* 
starey, and prolonged. It is likely to fixate first on the handle, 
then shifts to the bowl and then back to the handle, imparting a 
simple inspectional aspect to the behavior. The regard may shift 
to surroundings or examiner, but it recurs to the bell, which is the 
preferential object of attention. These varied characteristics of 
regard show trends which are rather pronounced in the period up 
to %8 weeks. The occasional initial delay of regard drops out almost 
completely in this interval; likewise the prolonged staring and 
fluctuating forms of regard. Prompt, consistent, and sustained 
regard is almost universal after 8 weeks. Occasional regard for the 
examiner may occur at all age levels, but becomes more defined 
and probably more personalized after 48 weeks. At 56 weeks 
two-fifths of the infants extended the bell to the examiner. 

A few infants look into the bowl of the bell at 8 weeks ; a few 
poke into the bowl at 3 weeks. Thereafter the exploitation becomes 
increasingly discriminative and there is a corresponding refinement 
and projection in the attentional regard. Genetically this increase 
in subtlety of regard is continuous with the cruder forms of visual 
discrimination noted at 16 weeks. It is impossible to follow the 
nimble niceties of regard at the higher age levels; we may, however 
safely infer these maturing perfections from the changes in exploita- 
tional behavior which will be presently summarized. 

A. Prehensory Approach. Almost one-fourth of the 16 weeks 
and over one-half of the weeks-old infants make obvious 
approach movements toward the bell. At 4 weeks nearly all, and 
thereafter all, infants make a prompt, defined approach. Nearly 



BELL BEHAVIOR 



193 



SITUATION: BELL (B) 



B 


Behavior items j 4 


6 I 8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

3 
4 
5 
6 

8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 
55 
56 
57 
58 
59 
60 
61 
62 
63 
64 
65 
66 
67 
68 
69 
70 
71 
72 
73 
74 
75 
76 
77 
78 


Regards (s.m.p. or n.m.p.) . . 










100 
95 
86 
5 
50 
59 
73 

95 

54 
50 
64 
59 

18 
9 

45 
23 

28 

23 
9 
14 
23 

23 

23 

23 

5 

23 
14 


100 
100 
96 

20 
24 
12 
72 
40 
44 
52 
24 
40 
40 

24 

20 
64 
60 

24 
36 
12 
44 
12 
32 
64 

40 
40 
40 

12 
28 

4 
28 

40 

8 

8 
12 

48 

8 
36 
16 
8 

24 
16 
12 

4 

4 

4 

20 
50 

45 
40 
8 

8 

24 
20 


100 
100 
97 

1 

7 
90 
77 
14 
10 
3 
3 
10 
3 
3 
97 
90 

90 

28 
62 

45 
17 
90 

7 

35 
83 

14 
69 

45 

24 
7 
48 
10 
17 

35 
10 
55 
14 
24 

45 
14 
17 
76 
35 
21 
62 
38 
17 

21 
10 
3 

7 
3 

46 
50 
55 

45 
17 

3 

35 
14 


100 
100 
100 

17 

100 
100 

3 

7 

20 

17 

100 
100 

100 

28 
72 
31 
41 
100 
66 
$8 
45 
100 
10 
90 
28 
48 
17 
31 
17 
31 

41 
59 

24 

31 

41 

6 
100 
76 
38 
90 
59 
55 
24 
52 
34 
21 

14 


3 

7 

45 
45 
91 
91 

91 
32 

10 
10 

22 

14 
10 


100 
100 
100 

4 

96 
100 

8 

12 
4 
12 
100 
100 

100 

27 
65 

46 

19 
100 
62 

12 
20 
100 

100 
54 

23 
15 
8 
4 
35 

8 
19 
12 
38 

4 
27 

40 

28 
100 
100 

42 
81 
42 
73 
35 
62 
47 
38 
12 
35 
12 

4 
8 

27 
27 
50 
50 
12 
50 
41 

50 

12 

15 


100 
100 
100 

14 

100 
100 

18 
7 
7 
100 
100 

100 
14 
75 
50 
25 
100 
61 
7 
18 
100 
4 
96 
54 
21 
14 
7 

39 
7 
11 
29 
18 
32 
4 
32 
4 
15 

11 
100 
96 

32 
79 

36 
82 

43 
54 
50 

46 
4 

22 
21 

7 
7 

21 
21 
80 
80 

14 

47 
37 

47 
8 
4 

25 
32 


100 
100 
97 

3 

100 
100 

27 
3 
20 
100 
100 

100 

27 
74 
57 
17 
100 
40 
13 
23 
100 

100 
53 

23 

23 
13 

40 
17 
20 
10 
20 
27 
7 

40 

7 
23 

10 
100 
100 
43 
70 
30 
83 
53 
87 
76 
60 
20 
70 
43 

10 
10 
10 
4% 
43 
88 
88 
27 
81 
60 
30 
60 
43 
7 

7 
4$ 


100 
100 
100 

4 

100 
100 

19 
4 
12 
100 
100 

100 

12 
84 
65 

19 
100 

42 
8 
8 
100 

100 
58 

8 

27 
4 

58 

15 
54 

8 
35 
19 

12 

42 
12 
16 

12 
100 
100 

27 
58 
35 
89 
46 
81 
92 
62 
19 
54 
50 
12 
15 
19 
8 
98 
38 
88 
88 
27 
81 
49 
98 
49 
58 
15 
91 
4 
27 


100 
100 
100 

7 

100 
100 

14 
3 
10 
100 
100 

97 

3 
93 
62 

31 
100 

24 

100 

3 
97 
59 

24 
14 
10 

59 

24 
31 
7 
21 
14 
7 
24 
10 



100 
100 

35 
52 

24 
69 
38 
79 
83 
73 
7 
76 
65 
10 
24 
21 
3 
24 
24 
100 
100 
21 
89 
53 
15 
73 
38 
10 
SI 
7 
24 


100 
100 
97 

18 

100 
100 

40 
3 
23 
100 
100 

97 

10 
81 
61 
20 
100 
33 

100 

3 
97 
64 

13 
10 
5 

67 

15 
36 
5 

38 
18 
8 
15 
20 
5 

5 
100 
97 
30 
41 
15 
62 
21 
69 
94 
82 
13 
68 
66 
28 
10 
10 
8 
28 
28 
88 
88 
15 
94 
88 
99 
61 
48 
15 
18 
10 
23 


100 
100 
100 

16 

100 
100 

72 

8 
44 
100 

idb 

96 

4 
96 
52 

29 
100 

44 

100 

4 
96 
52 

24 
16 
12 

52 

32 
48 
4 
20 
24 

8 
8 
16 

4 
100 
100 
4 
4 
4 
44 
20 
68 
88 
52 
28 
76 
72 
16 
8 
4 
40 
28 
28 
100 
100 
16 
79 
57 
29 
50 
40 

20 

4 
32 


Regards. . . 


Regards immediately 
Rpgn.rd,s Tnompntflrily 


Regards recurrently 
Regards starily 


Regards predominantly . , . 


Regards consistently 


Regards prolongedly before approach 
Inspects before approach 


Regards handle predominantly 


Regards handle first 


Shifts regard 


Shifts regard to surroundings 


Shifts regard to Examiner . . . 


Arms increase activity 


Approaches bell 


Approaches after delay 


Approaches promptly . . . 


Approaches with both hands 


Approaches with one hand 


Approaches with right hand 


Approaches with left hand 


Contacts. . ; 


Inverts hand on approach . .... 


Dislodges on contact 


Manipulates without grasping 


Grasps 


Grasps after delay 




Grasps with right hand only 
Grasps with left hand only 


Grasps with left or right hand 




Grasps interdigitally 


Grasps with thumb opposition 


Grasps with thumb and first two fingers. . . . 
Grasps top of handle 


Holds with both hands . . 


Manip., holding between thumb and fingers 
Manip., holding with fingers around handle 
Manipulates, holding bowl rim 
Manip., holding with fingers around bowl. . 
Manipulates holding by clapper 


Manipulates bell on table top 


Drags on table top. . . 


Pushes and pulls 


Lifts 




Bangs on table top 




Miouths bell handle 




Transfers frequently . . - 


Turns bell encl for end . . 


Waves 




Pokes . . 




Polces clapper ...... 


Pulls clapper 


Brings bell to platform 


Brines bell to side panel 


Proffers bell to Examiner (or mother) 


(If grasps) drops bell 


Pursues bell (if drops) 


(If drops) resecures bell . 








Waves or rings bell only after demonstration 
Waves or rings bell both be, and af, demon. 


Pulls to side .............. 


Pivots . . . 


Prets 







194 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 28 

half of the 16 weeks infants showed some form of hand-arm activ- 
ity but barely one-fourth contact the bell and these do so with 
delay. At 20, 24, and 28 weeks slightly over one-third of the infants 
make an inadequate contacting approach; that is, they dislodge 
the bell without effecting immediate grasp. Similar ineptness 
continues infrequently to the forty-fourth week. Bilateral approach 
is present variably in from 3 to 8 per cent of the cases at all age 
levels. Unilateral approach increases fairly steadily from 23 per 
cent at 16 weeks to 96 per cent at 56 weeks. On first presentation 
left-hand approach was more frequent than right-hand approach 
at 16, 20, and also 28 weeks of age; but at all other ages right-hand 
approach was from two to three times more prevalent. On suc- 
cessive presentations, however, from 7 to 27 per cent of the norma- 
tive infants 24 weeks or more of age grasped with the left or the 
right hand. Both hands may participate in initial approach, one 
taking the lead. 

B. Grasp. No 16 weeks infant actually grasps the bell. At 
20 weeks 40 per cent, at 24 weeks 83 per cent, and thereafter 100 
per cent grasp the bell. At 28 weeks promptness of grasp becomes 
well-nigh universal, rising sharply in frequency from 28 per cent 
at 20 weeks to 69 per cent at 24 weeks. The distributions for right- 
and left-hand grasp are comparable to those noted in relation to 
approach. The form of grasp alters with age. At 20, 24, and 28 
weeks it is ordinarily palmar in type and less frequently inter- 
digital. At 20 and 24 weeks the manual attitude is characteristically 
pronate and seizure, is often at the bowl. At 28, 32, and 36 weeks 
adaptive supination appears just prior to and also after grasping. 
Thumb opposition becomes increasingly well defined after 32 
weeks. Associated with this increase of mobility of the forearm 
and of the thumb is an increase of deftness in initial grasp of the 
handle and a selective utilization of the upper end of the handle 
by a pincer-like adjustment of the thumb and first and second 
fingers. From 24 weeks onward the bell is most typically grasped 
by the handle, though it is often held at the bowl as well until 
44 weeks. After 44 weeks there is a steady decline in holding at 
the bowL 

Manipulation and Exploitation. At 20 weeks the bell remains 
prevailingly on the table top during manipulation; 36 per cent at 
20 weeks lift the bell above the table top as contrasted with 76 
per cent at 24 weeks and 100 per cent at 28 weeks. Thereafter most 
of the activity with the bell is above the table top. At 48 weeks 



28 BELL BEHAVIOR " 195 

one-fourth of the children carried the bell below the table top, 
but this manipulation is relatively rare at all other ages. Similarly 
at 44 weeks and 48 weeks almost one-fifth of the children carry 
the bell to the side panel; this manipulation does not occur at all 
prior to 8 weeks and only rarely at the remaining ages. From 20 
to 43 per cent drop (or release) the bell during manipulation at all 
ages. Release followed by immediate resecural occurs with rare or 
occasional frequency from 20 to 56 weeks. Manipulation without 
grasp occurs occasionally or oftener at all ages prior to 44 weeks; 
only rarely at 48 weeks, and not at all thereafter. Pushing and 
pulling with grasp were reported in 28 per cent at 32 weeks and 
less frequently at other ages. 

Transfer of the bell from one hand to another takes place at 
all ages rising steadily from a frequency of 12 per cent at 20 weeks 
to 89 per cent at 44 weeks, diminishing to 66 per cent, 61 per cent, 
and 44 per cent at the remaining age levels. The method of exe- 
cuting the transfer, the promptness, frequency, and predominance 
of transfer in the total behavior episode show significant develop- 
mental changes from age to age. 

Turning the bell end for end is a form of manipulation dis- 
tinguishable from transfer but closely related both dynamically 
and genetically. It arises out of a combination of transfer and 
rotation. This reaction is first noted in one-fifth of the children at 
24 weeks and rises to a frequency peak of 87 per cent at 40 weeks, 
with a gradual decline to 68 per cent at 56 weeks. Often the child 
scrutinizes the bell closely as he turns It, thus revealing an exploi- 
tive tendency almost inseparable from manipulation. Waving or 
brandishing the bell is another form of exploitive manipulation 
which rises steadily from a low frequency of 4 per cent at 20 weeks 
to a high frequency of 92 per cent at 44 weeks and 94 per cent at 
52 weeks. 

Carrying the bell to the mouth, whether for tactile satisfaction 
or for active chewing of the handle, may be regarded as exploita- 
tional behavior/Mouthing rises precipitously from 24 per cent at 
20 weeks to 90 per cent at 28 weeks, declining moderately to 41 
per cent at 52 weeks and to 4 per cent at 56 weeks. Chewing of the 
handle was less frequently noted but varied similarly for the 
different age levels. Banging of some kind occurs at every age; 
least frequently at 20, 24, and 56 weeks. At the remaining ages 
approximately one-third of the children banged. 



196 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 28 

What does the free hand do when the grasping hand retains 
the bell ? Here we have another Indication of exploitational activity. 
The free hand is brought up to the bell in 35 per cent of the cases 
at 24 weeks, in 41 per cent at 28 weeks, and less frequently at other 
ages, to participate in the holding or to indulge in gross fingering. 
Frequently this chain of events results in "automatic 5 * transfer 
as already noted. But there comes a time, or rather out of this 
matrix there comes a pattern, in which the one hand definitely 
holds the bell up for inspection while the free hand comes up to 
finger or poke in an exploitive manner. Transfer which Is itself a 
form of manipulation is thus suppressed for a higher order of 
manipulation. 

Inspectional peering into the bowl occurs occasionally at 28 
weeks and rises to frequencies of 70, 76, and again 76 per cent at 
40, 48, and 56 weeks. Peering precedes poking and occurs more 
often. No poking was observed at 28 weeks; 12 per cent poked at 
32 weeks. This percentage rises steadily to a maximum of 72 per 
cent at 56 weeks. Early poking tends to be vague and fugitive, 
using one or more of the radial digits including the thumb. But 
this poking becomes defined and prolonged at more mature ages, 
and the index finger comes increasingly Into play. The tip of the 
index is thrust momentarily or lingeringly against the clapper. 
At 44 weeks 12 per cent and at 52 weeks 23 per cent of the infants 
plucked and pulled the clapper between index finger and thumb. 

Induced Behavior. The frequency of waving or brandishing of 
the bell has already been noted in the discussion of manipulation. 
Somewhat ambiguously at first but with indisputable definiteness 
later, this waving becomes a defined, "purposive'* ringing. It is 
not always possible to make a tenable distinction between waving 
and true ringing. The latter is reported in only 10 per cent of the 
cases at 28 weeks, but in 60 per cent at 40 weeks, in 88 per cent at 
52 weeks, and in 57 per cent at 56 weeks. The high incidence at 
52 weeks is significant though it must be noted that the duration, 
the repetitiveness, and the emotional accompaniments of the 
ringing vary with individuality as well as with age. Often this ring- 
ing is entirely self-initiated. 

The responsiveness of the infant to the first, second, and third 
demonstration of ringing by the examiner can not always be 
objectively determined, but the broad developmental trends are 
well indicated in the percentages. Forty weeks may be regarded as 
a critical or transitional period with respect to this somewhat 



29 RING AND STRING BEHAVIOR 197 

general factor of "responsiveness" or "imitativeness." At that 
age 60 per cent of Infants ring both before and after demonstration ; 
20 per cent ring only after demonstration. At 44, 52, and 56 weeks 
almost one-third of the children ring only after demonstration. 
The negative figures are still more significant: 68 per cent at 28 
weeks, 50 per cent at 32 weeks, and 53 per cent at 36 weeks did 
not react responsively after the demonstrations of bell ringing. 
These percentages decline to 18 per cent, 11 per cent, and 6 per 
cent at 44, 48, and 52 weeks. At 56 weeks 29 per cent were non- 
responsive but doubtless because of stronger competing impulses 
rather than because of lack of capacity. 

The amount of social attention to the examiner during and after 
demonstration varies with personality make-up as well as with age. 
During the 40*s and at 52 weeks the child is increasingly suscep- 
tible to the bell ringing demonstration. The susceptibility often is 
greater on the first than on the second and third demonstrations. 
It is a complicated pattern complex in somewhat unstable equi- 
librium with visual, auditory, motor, and social components which 
must all be attuned to each other to produce maximum results. 
Such instability of pattern is a normal growth characteristic. 
It is in a sense a protective factor, for otherwise the infant would 
learn too much and learn too well. No single pattern or group of 
similar patterns can usurp the field of behavior/While the infant is 
furiously ringing the bell in response to demonstration he suddenly 
stops to poke into it with inquisitive index. This poking was not 
part of the demonstration but it is part of the child. Throughout 
infancy innumerable formative patterns of behavior assert them- 
selves with a degree of autonomy as well as in growing relationship 
to the attained organization of the individual. 

29. ElNG AND STRING BEHAVIOR 

(28 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 

Seizing the ring between index finger and thumb of the left 
hand at a point opposite the string attachment, and plucking the 
distal end of the string with the right, the examiner held both 
tautly in the horizontal plane and advanced them to the standard 
position at the table top. He laid the ring beyond the standard 
median position and the string in oblique alignment just within 
the scope of the infant's right reach. Two or three presentations 



198 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 29 

were made in this manner to elicit characteristic behavior. If after 
the third presentation the string was not secured, it was re-pre- 
sented and laid in vertical alignment along the median line with 
the end slightly in advance of the standard median position. When 
not secured, the ring was moved to the standard position for 
observation of grasp and manipulation. 

Stimulus Factors 

The same ring which the examiner dangled before the supine 
infant is now presented to the sedentary infant and is placed 
horizontally upon the table top. Physically, of course, the ring and 
string have not altered, but the infant is more mature and the 





FIG. 9. Ring and string behavior: 52 weeks. 

stimulus potentialities of the ring and string are greatly changed 
by their new orientation and background. Although the perceptual 
factors in the situation are apparently simple, a minute analysis 
of the behavior patterns evoked discloses many complicated con- 
siderations. The perceptual behavior is determined not alone by 
the geometric attributes of the red circle and white oblique straight 
line against a neutral gray background; motivational factors enter 
which determine the selectivity of the. child's regard and of his 
manipulatory exploitations. 

Does the red circle elicit prior and dominating regard? Is the 
long white string ever perceptually more potent? Is there a rivalry 
or fluctuation in the stimulating values of ring and string? Is there 
a maturity difference in perceptual response to the oblique align- 
ment versus the median alignment of the string? Is the regard 



9 RING AND STRING BEHAVIOR 199 

centrifugal, proceeding from ring to string; or is it centripetal, 
proceeding from the string to the ring? Does the regard focalize 
on the end of the string? Do developmental changes occur with 
respect to the oscillations of regard from ring to string ? Are ring and 
string fused in a single perceptual response? A partial answer to 
these questions can be found in a minute analysis of the patterns 
of adaptive behavior. Developmental trends can be observed in 
the initial adjustments' to the situation, in the distributions of 
visual attention, and in the exploitive activities with the ring and 
string. 

The string as a stimulus object has distinctive peculiarities 
arising out of its great mobility and flexibility. It creates special 
problems of prehension and multiplies the possibilities of manipu- 
lation. It will be interesting to note that the infant is sometimes 
intrigued by these possibilities to the temporary disregard of the 
ring. 

The ring and string are presented three times in succession and 
this procedure serves to define the preferential foci of regard and 
the improvement of insight. 

Behavior Trends 

Regard. Throughout all the age levels studied (28 to 56 weeks) 
the ring generally makes a more instant appeal to the infant. 
From 65 to 89 per cent of all children regard the ring before 
making an approach upon the string. Only very rarely does an 
infant fail to regard the ring. But the string is often disregarded or 
attention to it is entirely subordinated to the ring. At 32 weeks and 
at 36 weeks, however, one-third of the children give prior, sole 
regard for the string before making an approach upon it. Com- 
monly at all ages (from one-half to two-thirds of the children) 
the regard shifts successively from ring to string to ring before 
approaching the string. The character of this shifting reflects 
many subtle changes with increased maturity. Both the ocular 
and manual responses become more confluent and encompassing. 

From 70 per cent to 85 per cent of the infants (in the age range 
from 36 weeks to 56 weeks) regard the ring alone as it approaches 
on pulling. The remainder of the infants regard both the ring 
and string or the string alone. At 36 weeks one child in five paid 
exclusive regard to the string both as he reached for it and as he 
pulled it in. At 44 weeks, however, all the infants pay regard to the 



200 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



SITUATION": RING AND STRING (R-S) 



10 
II 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
30 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 



Behavior items 



Regards ring 

Regards ring first 

Regards string 

Regards string first (regard before appr.) . . 
Shifts re. from ring to str. or ring-str.-ring 

Approaches ring 

Approaches ring first 

Approaches string 

Approaches string first 

Contacts string before ring 

Grasps string . 

Hand closes on string ineffectively 

(If hand closes on string) grasps ineffect . . . 

Grasps string immediately 

Pulls or drags string in 

Regards str. only as reaches and pulls str. . 
Regards ring as approaches and pulls string 
Regards ring only as appr. and pulls string. 
Regards ring only as ring approaches. . . . 
Manipulates string before securing ring . . 

Pulls ring off table top before secural 

Dangles or bounces ring before secural. . . . 

Secures ring using string 

Hits or bangs ring on table top. 

Brings ring to mouth 

Transfers ring 

Turns ring 

Brings ring to platform 

Brings ring to side panel 

Manipulates string after contact with ring. 

Holds ring in one hand; string in other 

Dangles ring by string. . 

Dangles ring by string after con. with ring. 

Drops ring completely 

Resecures ring 

Turns or pivots 

Postural activity 



4 6 



12 16 20 24 28 32 36 40 44 48 52 56 



60 



80 



86 



79 



9 



95 



95 



73 



94100 
79 



61 



52 



8 
97 100 100 



97 100 



95 100 100 



92 100 
8 
11 
90 
97 



75 



18 



76 



55 



50 



95 
84 



92 



92 



ring alone while pulling the string. At 28 weeks 18 per cent, at 
3 weeks 34 per cent, at 36 weeks 60 per cent regard the ring both 
as they reach out and as they pull in the string. 

These trends closely analyzed suggest that 36 weeks is the 
transition age when the string is losing its autonomy and is becom- 
ing assimilated into a more unified perceptual response. At 56 
weeks the localization of regard on the ring is less conspicuous, 
possibly because the infant is now adept and a glance suffices to 
initiate response. Indeed even young infants may avert their eyes 
and yet successfully seize the string. At 36 weeks almost one child 
in three seems to give sole regard to the string before approach 
upon it. One child out of four regards the string alone as he reaches 
and as he pulls the string. 



29 RING AND STRING BEHAVIOR 01 

Such preoccupation for the string during the act of prehension 
drops out almost completely at 40 weeks. Why? Because the child 
now seems to give merely a preadjustment glance at the string, 
fixates on the ring, and gives regard to the ring (87 per cent) as 
he reaches and pulls. This represents a perceptual subordination 
of the string to the ring based upon more advanced insight or 
comprehension. At 44 weeks this subordination is still better 
defined. But development refuses to remain simple and at 48 weeks 
it appears that the string is again receiving somewhat more regard. 
Why? Because the child is now more disposed to pull the ring from 
the table top and to dangle it by means of the string before seizing 
the ring ? He has attained a new appreciation of the string and pays 
it a modified regard. He uses the string instrumental^ in a new 
dimension and for a new purpose. 

Prehension. At 8 weeks the child is at a kind of threshold 
in the organization of his prehensory abilities. He approaches either 
the ring or the string with almost equal frequency. He makes 
unsuccessful attempts to secure the string and only one child in 
five actually grasps the string at 28 weeks of age. Placement of the 
string in the median position favors effectual grasp and enables 
the child to secure the ring. This difference in the orientation of the 
string suggests that the oblique presentation tends to make the 
prehensory problem of the string comparable to that of the pellet. 
When the string is in the oblique position the infant of 8 weeks 
characteristically makes unsuccessful attempts to secure the string 
by raking flexion, or he stretches his arms out toward the ring. 
Only 46 per cent of the infants contact the string; only one child 
in five actually grasps the string. 

One-half of the infants make prior or sole approach to the ring. 
This direct approach to the ring, whether made initially or after 
delay, declines rapidly and occurs in less than one-tenth of the 
infants after the age of 36 weeks. On the other hand, direct ap- 
proach to the string at some time during the situation mounts 
rapidly in frequency and becomes almost universal after 36 weeks. 
Prior or sole approach to the string occurs in from 70 per cent to 
100 per cent of the infants from 32 to 56 weeks of age. At 32 weeks, 
three-fourths of the infants are able to contact the string and one- 
half of the normative group actually grasp it. Thereafter from 
83 per cent to 100 per cent accomplish grasp. The string always 
presents difficulties of prehension to a few children at all age 
levels. From 32 weeks on the frequency curve for unsuccessful 



202 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 29 

grasp attempts showed a steady decline from 70 per cent to 8 per 
cent. At 32 weeks two out of five children scratch or rake at the 
string in these attempts. 

At 32 weeks and at 36 weeks the infant may hit, push, or flick 
the string about before securing it. This behavior is not exploitive 
but is due to the difficulties of prehension. Ineffective grasp 
occurred at some time in from two-fifths to one-quarter of the 
infants from 32 weeks to 44 weeks of age. At 40 weeks, however, 
65 per cent of the infants immediately grasp the string and 92 
per cent grasp it immediately or after delay. This age, therefore, 
marks the virtual attainment of prehensory mastery of the string. 

At 36 weeks only 32 per cent grasp the string immediately, but 
86 per cent grasp or otherwise secure the ring with fair promptness. 
At 40 weeks twice as many make an immediate grasp, often with 
great deftness. Approximation of thumb and index, by a scissors 
or plucking form of prehension, is common/At 48 weeks nine out of 
ten children grasp immediately. Precise, pincer-like prehension of 
a superior type is becoming universal. With improvement of pre- 
hension there is less regard for the string at the moment when it is 
being secured. At 52 weeks and at 56 weeks the initial prehension 
is typically prompt and effective as though it were a well-estab- 
lished ability. There is also increased precision in selection of the 
end of the string prior to pulling. This is an expression of better 
"judgment"; it influences prehension but might well have been 
considered in the discussion of regard. 

Manipulation and Exploitation. Only one child out of five, 
as already indicated, spontaneously secures the ring at the age of 
28 weeks if the string is placed in oblique alignment. The examiner, 
however, makes secural possible by placing the string in the median 
position or he puts the ring in the child's hand. On seizure, the 
infant characteristically carries it to his mouth. He may remove 
the ring for brief inspection; he may drop the ring and pick it up 
again. Transfer occurs in almost half of the infants. During manip- 
ulation the string receives meager, secondary, or sketchy attention. 
One child in three manipulates the string. 

With increasing maturity the string will be exploited for its 
own sake as a more or less independent object, also as a tool for 
manipulation of the ring. Dangling is manipulation ad distans. 
The ring and string situation is peculiarly interesting because it 
reveals the gradualness of the growth of tool-using insight. 



29 RING AND STRING BEHAVIOR 203 

At 32 weeks mouthing reaches a peak value of 58 per cent and 
declines regularly to 20 per cent at 56 weeks. Transfer, dropping, 
resecural, banging, and brandishing also occur at 32 weeks with 
frequencies similar to those found at 28 weeks, but there is a defi- 
nite increase of attentiveness to the string. Fifty-eight per cent of 
the children approach, finger, mouth, or otherwise exploit the 
string after contacting the ring. This exploitation is apparently 
oblivious of the relation of the string to the ring. 

At 36 weeks mouthing is less prominent. There is increased 
attention to the string and eight out of ten children contact and 
exploit the string after contacting the ring, or exploit the two in 
close alternation or simultaneously. More frequently than at other 
ages (36 per cent) the infant holds the ring in one hand and the 
string in the other. This nearly parallel exploitation of both ring 
and string is a kind of transitional pattern which follows successive 
exploitation first of one and then of the other, and which precedes 
instrumental exploitation of one ly the other. Indeed we might 
schematize the exploitational gradient in four adjectives: from 
single to successive^ to parallel, to instrumental. 

The manipulation at 40 weeks reflects the trend toward instru- 
mental behavior, for one-half of the infants at least briefly dangled 
the ring by the string. This dangling becomes less sketchy, less 
repetitive, more sustained, and (we may say) more deliberate with 
age. It tends increasingly to occur after prior contacting of the ring 
and from 48 to 56 weeks was present in six out of ten infants. At 40 
weeks the infant displays a widening repertoire of exploitations: 
he intently inspects the ring as he moves it, often turning it over 
and over (35 per cent); he still transfers it (43 per cent); waves 
it; drops it with resecural; and even brings it into relation with the 
platform. He moves rapidly from one form of activity to another 
but tends to resume rather repetitively an activity previously 
engaged in. Personality differences of course come into play but, 
making due allowance for these, one can discern the forerunners 
of activities (or patterns) which will become more clearly con- 
figured and are adaptively pursued at later age levels. 

For example, at 44 weeks dangling is better defined and tends 
to occur somewhat earlier in the course of activities. There is a 
more obvious tendency now to repeat a sequence of two or three 
activities. This tendency to repeat sequences continues somewhat 
reduced into 48 weeks. 



204 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 29 

Dangling Is a well-defined pattern at 48 weeks. It does not 
occur even by accident at 28 weeks and is very rare at 32 weeks. 
At 36 weeks and at 44 weeks, however, one-third of the infants 
hold the string in one hand and the ring in the other. This is a 
genetic prelude to dangling. At 48 weeks dangling is so native to 
the infant's ability and interest that one child out of four dangles 
or bounces the ring by the string before even grasping the ring. 
A similar number pull the ring off from the table top before grasp- 
ing the ring. This reaction is different in its psychology from the 
adaptive tug of the string which serves to make the ring accessible 
to grasp. When the infant pulls the ring off the table top and 
dangles it, he is making, or has already made, a discovery: he 
manipulates the ring " telesthetically " ; he uses a tool. In a few 
significant instances at 48 weeks, the infant moreover replaces the 
ring on the table top and pulls it off again with one fell swoop. 
He has also been observed to reverse the fitness of things by 
dangling the string with the ring. 

Is dangling a trivial pattern of behavior? Through such trivial 
but progressive elaborations the structure of the child's mind is 
formed. Each differentiation in the genetic elaboration is essential; 
in its nascency it takes on the aspect of initiative and discovery; 
in retrospect it proves to be an organic prerequisite of a higher 
pattern of behavior. In its mechanical essence, dangling is virtually 
mature by the end of the first year of life. The adult may not 
dangle a ring with the same zest as the infant, but he dangles it, 
neurologically speaking, in a manner highly comparable to that 
displayed by the infant in his late forties. 

At 48 weeks the infant shows his further versatility by sup- 
pressing the impulse to dangle; or, to put the matter more objec- 
tively, the infant is more versatile at 48 weeks because he has a 
newly reinforced capacity to release hold of both ring and string. 
Over half of the infants at that age released or dropped the ring 
and resecured it. Many manifested this pattern repetitively. Fur- 
ther versatility rises out of new locomotor capacities; one-third of 
the infants rotated the trunk or pivoted the whole body and 
brought the ring to the side or rear panels of the crib. This postural 
variation is introduced still more frequently at 52 weeks. With 
the increase in locomotor drive, there is less intensive and less 
diverse manipulatory exploitation of the ring and string. 

By 56 weeks the boundaries of the exploitation area are 
expanded. The infant is botfh physically and socially more mobile 



30 RING, STRING, AND BELL BEHAVIOR 05 

toward his environment. When he is not engrossed with the 
intriguing properties of the ring and string, he is likely to refer his 
activity to onlooking examiner or parent. There is a marked and 
significant increase of activity which brings the ring into relation 
with the platform. He is plumbing a new sphere of exploration 
below the table top. 

30. RING, STRING, AND BELL BEHAVIOR 
weeks-56 weeks) 
The Situation 





FIG. 30. Ring, string and bell behavior: 44 weeks. 

This time holding the ring between medius and index finger of 
the left hand and holding the bell between index finger and thumb 
of the same hand, the examiner presented with one maneuver the 
ring, string, and bell. He then rang the bell briefly and replaced 
it within the ring. 

Stimulus Factors 

Here, as elsewhere, not only must the immediate situation be 
taken into account, but also the immediately preceding one. Earlier 
in the examination the infant has had an opportunity to exploit 
the bell, which perhaps has been removed even while he was in 
full tide of enjoying it. He has also just had the opportunity to 
secure the ring and to exploit it, or the attached string. The present 
situation is therefore a combination of two previous situations. 
It is probable that these prior experiences with these objects 
have enhanced rather than reduced their stimulus values. New 



206 



NORMATIVE 'CHARACTERISTICS 



30 



rivalries, if not confusions, are set up by the new juxtaposition of 
the materials. In the ring and string situation, the string alone 
is an instrumental object. In the ring, string, and bell situation, 
the ring and string together become the instrumental object. Will 
the presence of the bell excite a higher degree of adaptive utilization 
of the string? Will the secural of the bell dominate the course of 
the subsequent behavior? Will the ring cease to be an object 
of independent exploitation? If the ring is exploited, will it be an 
independent exploitation or will the exploitation be altered by 
the presence of the bell? 

This situation has some of the elements of the formboard 
situation. The old relationship of container and contained re- 
appears in new guise, for the ring makes a well-defind circular 
rampart within which the bell may be introduced by the infant 
as it was introduced by the examiner. Or will the container be 
placed over the contained? For the infant, such relationships are 
more novel and fluid than they are for the adult. In the form- 
board situation, the infant sometimes superimposes the board upon 
the blocks; likewise in the present situation, he frequently super- 
imposes the ring over the bell. If one reckons the string and the 
ring and the bell as separate objects, this particular situation 
should release significant forms of combining and tool-using 
behavior. 

SITUATION: KING, STRING AND BELL (R-S-B) 



B.S-B 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Approaches string first , 


















67 


67 


77 


90 


86 


75 


64 


2 


Approaches ring or bell 


















S8 


^f 


23 


1^ 


17 


28 


LL 


3 


Grasps string, 


















56 


70 


94 


93 


94 


86 


84 


4 


Fails to grasp string immediately. . . . . 


















f>0 


10 


32 


23 


20 


Q 





5 


Pulls ring or bell within reach 


















14 


7A 


97 


93 


92 


86 


84 


6 


Pulls ring off table top 


















6 


19 


14 


SO 


14 


17 


20 


7 
8 
9 


Holds ring in one hand, bell in the other. 
Holds one object and reaches for other, . 
Drops bell or ring 



















14 
43 


10 
20 
40 


38 

25 
44 


27 
37 
50 


27 
18 
69 


26 
11 
4,A 


28 
8 

A* 


10 


Manipulates ring first. 


















57 


50 


56 


87 


15 


11 


4 


11 


Manipulates bell first 


















9f 


to 


81 


40 


64 


57 


72 


12 


Manipulates bell 


















14 


SO 


44 


50 


64 


67 


64 


13 


Manipulates bell independently. . . 


















43 


60 


50 


40 


77 


69 


80 


14 


Manipulates ring independently. . . . 


















57 


55 


56 


40 


83 


23 


24 


15 
16 
17 


Manipulates ring and bell simultaneously 
Brings bell, ring, or string to mouth .... 
Brings bell to mouth, 


















29 
71 
57 


55 

35 
30 


62 

16 
9 


67 

10 
10 


64 

6 
6 


60 

11 
9 


80 

4 


18 


Transfers bell, ring, or string. . . 


















14 


15 


19 


S7 


24 


3 




19 


Waves or rings bell. . , 


















14 


80 


38 


87 


57 


df\ 


56 


20 


Brings bell or ring to platform 


















14 


5 


19 


an 


ox, 


& 


i a 


21 


Combines ring and bell 


















5 


9 


20 


Qfy 




AC\ 


rjn. 


22 


Places bell in ring or ring over bell, .... 


















o 


15 


3 


13 


83 


26 


56 



30 RING', STRING, AND BELL BEHAVIOR 207 

Behavior Trends 

The summary of behavior trends will deal chiefly with the 
Influence of the bell on the behavior patterns characteristically 
elicited by the uncomplicated ring and string. Special attention 
will therefore be given to the adaptive and exploitive aspects of 
behavior with brief comments concerning prehension. 

Prehension. Two-thirds or more of the children approach the 
string first. But at the age of 56 weeks as many as 44 per cent of 
the children made a direct approach upon the ring or the bell. 
This is probably due to the fact that the child is more able, at the 
later age, by postural straining to reach to the ring without the 
utilization of the string. None the less, 84 per cent of the children 
of that age grasp the string. At 32 weeks only 56 per cent of the 
children grasp the string. Nearly all of them fail to grasp it im- 
mediately. Ineffective grasping of the string is rather characteristic 
of the 32 weeks age level, for at the next succeeding age level only 
one child out of five fails to grasp the string immediately. Only 
44 per cent at the age of 32 weeks pull the ring or bell within reach. 
Thereafter three-fourths or more of the children do this with 
increasing deftness and economy. The developmental trend in 
adaptive behavior is in general indicated by a more precise adjust- 
ment of the amount of tug at the string to the distance necessary 
for secural of the bell. This trend is unmistakable even though it is 
apparently contradicted by a tendency, especially strong at 
44 weeks, to pull the ring completely off the table top for exploita- 
tional reasons which will be presently considered. 

Exploitation. Seven age levels are considered, 44 weeks being 
at the mid point. At this age it proves that the bell on one hand 
and the ring and string on the other stand an equal chance of 
being the object of first choice. Half or over half of the infants up 
to 44 weeks of age display prior or sole activity with the ring. 
After 44 weeks prior or sole activity is with the bell, rising from a 
frequency of 29 per cent at 32 w^eks to 64 per cent at 48 weeks and 
72 per cent at 56 weeks. But even at the ages when the ring is 
the object of initial preference, the bell receives rather more 
attention; it is mouthed more often than the ring. The frequency 
with which ring waving occurs remains approximately uniform 
but bell waving increases markedly with age. 

Since both bell and ring are almost equally accessible at all 
ages this trend in the percentages reflects a steady rise in the lure 



208 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 30 

potency of the bell. The effect of the bell is also shown in a reduc- 
tion of the amount of exploitation of the string. Relatively there 
is more activity with the string in the simple ring and string 
situation. Bell activity reduces but does not displace dangling. 
Thus, although we may say that the bell prevails in its competition 
with the ring and string, the infant is not delimited by this choice; 
he tends even in a brief period to exploit all the resources of the 
environment. He exploits ring and string separately and in com- 
bination as before or he brings them both into productive relation. 

Activity involving the ring and the bell simultaneously rises 
from 29 per cent at 32 weeks to 55 per cent at 36 weeks and 80 
per cent at 56 weeks. At 40 weeks 38 per cent of the infants held 
the ring in one hand and the bell in the other, and at 44 weeks an 
equal number held one object while reaching for a second. Prior 
to 44 weeks over half of the infants confined some of their activity 
to the ring, while after this age it was more characteristic to 
confine some of the activity to the bell. 

From 44 weeks on there is a tendency to bring the ring and 
bell into more definite combination. One object is brought near 
to the other, sketchily or vigorously as in banging. The infant 
may simply hit the bell against the ring (or vice versa) but he may 
also thrust the bell within the circle of the ring while it lies on 
the table or while he holds it above the table top. Combining 
becomes more discriminating and culminates, in over half of the 
infants at 56 weeks, in a well-defined insertion of the bell within 
the ring or a crowning placement of the ring over the bell. 
Sometimes this placement is speedily repeated and again repeated. 
And occasionally the infant may even tug again at the string, 
thus autonomously reinstating the entire situation for the ex- 
hibition of his most mature combining behavior pattern that 
is to say, most mature for 56 weeks. So consistent were the gains 
in exploitational activities after the age of 32 weeks that we can 
predict with confidence that the lunar months beyond 56 weeks 
bring with them similar elaborations of exploitational behavior, 
elaborations which follow general genetic laws. 



31 PAPER AND CRAYON BEHAVIOR 09 



31. PAPER AND CRAYON BEHAVIOR 

(36 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 




*.. 




FIG. 31. Paper and crayon behavior: 36 weeks and 56 weeks. 



Holding the farthermost edge of a sheet of paper (8K by 11 in.) 
in the left hand, and holding the crayon in the right hand, the 
examiner placed both objects simultaneously on the table top in 
parallel alignment with the median line. The near edge of the 
paper was placed at and along the near edge of the table top. 
The crayon was placed with its point near the center of the paper, 
and directed away from the infant. After observation of the inf ant's 
spontaneous behavior, the examiner initiated a demonstration 
of scribbling. A new sheet of paper was placed with its farther 
margin at and parallel to the farther margin of the table top. 
The examiner took the crayon in his right hand and applied it 
obliquely to the paper, making back-and-forth strokes near its 
farther margin. He then immediately represented this sheet of 
paper and the crayon to the child as before. This scribble demon- 
stration was repeated a second and a third time. 

Stimulus Factors 

Two objects are placed before the infant without ceremony: 
paper and crayon. Both are equally accessible. The paper is green; 
the crayon, red. The paper is expansive and flexible; the crayon 
is compact and rigid. Perhaps it also may look good to eat, we 
do not know; but it frequently goes to the mouth. These contrasts 
in. size, color, shape, and physical characteristics make the whole 



10 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 31 

situation more complex than it seems on the surface. This very 
complexity makes more significant the indubitable behavior 
trends which declare themselves. 

If paper and crayon are more or less ambivalent as stimulus 
factors at 36 weeks, they soon cease to be so. The division of the 
situation into two parts spontaneous and demonstrational 
permits many comparisons of free and induced behavior. There is 
the further possibility of detecting differences in response on the 
first, second, and third trials. 

The procedure of the paper and crayon situation attempts to 
make a sharp distinction between spontaneous and induced reac- 
tions. In the interpretation of the child*s behavior, this distinction 
is not always easily made, but the close contiguity of the two phases 
of the situation serves to show the primary dependence of the 
induced behavior upon the spontaneous capacity. Although the be- 
havior with the paper and crayon may sometimes seem lawless 
and unordered, a critical analysis of the numerous behavior 
characteristics will show significant predilections in the modes of 
response. For example, in combining exploitation the infant might 
well bring the paper to bear upon the crayon, and occasionally 
he does so. But in the overwhelming majority of cases it is the 
crayon which is spontaneously brought into relation with the 
paper. In the infant's utilization of the crayon, we have an oppor- 
tunity to glimpse the psychogenesis of his early knowledge of 
physics. The moving, pointed, cylindrical crayon embodies basic 
elements of lever and tool. The very manner in which the child 
picks up the crayon, tilts it, and applies it as a stylus to the paper 
reflects a subtle progression toward implemental insight. From the 
standpoint of stimulus factors the instrumental import of the 
crayon should not be overlooked. 

Nor should the complexity of the act of demonstration be 
underestimated. It has social aspects; the examiner attempts by 
a quick maneuver to secure the infant's attention. Does the infant 
look at the examiner? Does he look at the paper? Does he look at 
the crayon? Does he look at the examiner^ hand? Does he look at 
the roving marks made on the paper? These questions disclose 
that the simple demonstration instates a complex perceptual 
field which permits of many kinds of attention response. The 
younger infant makes both perceptually and motorwise a gross 
reaction to the situation. As he matures his regard becomes in- 
creasingly analytic and the stimulus factors change accordingly. 



31 PAPER AND CRAYON BEHAVIOR 



When lie himself takes the crayon in hand and uses it produc- 
tively upon the paper, the stimulus situation becomes still more 
complex, for now he has made his own mark. When does he heed 
the marks that he makes? When does he bring them into direct 
comparison with those of the demonstrator? Such questions might 
be multiplied but these are enough to indicate the richness of the 
paper and crayon situation for purposes of clinical and normative 
observation. 

SITUATION: PAPER AND CRAYON (Pa-Cr) 



Pa-Cr 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


CRAYON BESIDE PAPER 
Approaches crayon first 




















? 


85 


9?, 


81 


85 


96 


2 


Approaches paper first. . . . 




















1 8 


19 


s 


8 


If? 


4 


3 

4 


Manipulates crayon exclusively 
Manipulates crayon 




















43 

!,8 


54 

9.7 


46 

17 


35 

$8 


26 

m 


17 

ir 


5 


Brings crayon to mouth 




















67 


50 


49, 


31 


9. 


15 


6 

7 
8 


Transfers crayon 
Combines paper and crayon spon 
Hits crayon on paper 




















33 
5 



38 
19 
19 


& 
33 

9,5 


15 

42 
15 


18 
54 

fll 


33 
74 

?# 


g 


MEarks on paper with crayon ..... 




















5 


15 


9.5 


38 


46 


74 


10 


M!akes staccato marks 























11 


7 


18 


rW 


,t9 


11 


M!akes staccato marks only 























11 


23 


14 


,w 





12 


Miakes linear marks. 




















5 


4 


4 


14 


10 


74 


13 


Makes linear marks only 




















5 


4 





11 


5 


nn 


14 


M^akes short linear marks 























4 


4 


7 


8 


57 


15 
16 


Makes both staccato and linear marks. . 
Average number of marks 




























4 
1 


4 
2 


5 

2 


39 

5 


17 
18 


Average number of staccato marks 
Average number of linear marks 




























1 



1 



2 



2 
3 


19 
20 
21 


SCRIBBLE DEMONSTRATED 
Regards scribble demonstration 
Manipulates paper during demonstration 
Manipulates paper 




















72 

45 
45 


89 
38 
56 


92 

29 
46 


91 

14 
18 


80 

13 
30 


85 
35 


22 






















9 


8 


15 


29 


3 


4 


23 


B " t o th 




















73 


59 


42 


36 


23 


12 


24 


Combi r on and aper 




















5 


30 


54 


4 


83 


92 


25 

26 


Combines paper and crayon repeatedly. 
Hits crayon on or at paper 





















5 


8 
26 


15 
31 


14 

46 


43 
38 


58 

15 


27 


TVTarks on one or tnorc sheets 




















14 


37 


50 


50 


62 


96 


28 






















9 


19 


31 


36 


54 


87 


29 


M k th or more sheets 























4 


15 


25 


33 


57 


30 


Dr 


























23 


29 


54 


62 


31 
32 
33 


Makes Hn. marks on one or more sheets 
Linear marks on two or more sheets. , . . 




















5 




11 

4 



19 
8 

4 


32 

21 
11 


43 
31 
15 


91 
74 
52 


34 


M k F rk only 























7 


8 


18 


30 


74 


35 
36 
37 


Adaptive respon. apparently increases. . 
Aver. num. of staccato marks to a page. 
Aver, num. of linear marks to a page. . . 




















14 




26 
1 



42 
1 
1 


43 

2 
2 


50 

2 
3 


57 
1 

6 



Behavior Trends 

Regard. At 36 weeks interest goes almost equally to the paper 
and to the crayon. Prior approach is to the paper in 43 per cent, 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 31 

of the infants but thereafter the proportion rapidly declines. 
From 40 to 56 weeks over 80 per cent of the infants make prior 
approach to the crayon. In view of this marked trend in favor 
of the crayon, the ambivalence at 36 weeks is interesting. It sug- 
gests that the two objects are perceptually responded to almost 
independently. Indeed even at 40 weeks half of the infants prior 
to demonstration are entirely preoccupied with the crayon. But 
thereafter the crayon is increasingly brought into combination 
with the paper and it is evident that the child does not simply 
see first one and then the other, but perceives them in some kind 
of togetherness. The details of his perceptual selectivity can in 
some measure be inferred from the nature of his manipulations 
and exploitations. 

Changes in this selectivity can also be inferred from the manner 
in which he gives heed to the scribbling demonstration of the 
examiner. At 36 weeks 7 per cent of the infants give attention 
to the demonstration but often only momentarily, and almost half 
of the infants manipulate the paper during demonstration, which 
fact itself denotes that perceptual regard or interest for the total 
act of demonstration is quite rudimentary. There is in general 
an increase of attention both to the act of demonstration and to its 
product. Yet later the infant shows a dawning interest in the marks 
which he himself makes. The developmental elaboration of this 
form of interest is an interesting phenomenon more characteristic 
of the second year of life. Even at 5 weeks the infant shows only 
slight and fleeting attention to his own marks. 

During the demonstration the 36 weeks-old infant seems to 
attend chiefly to the crayon or to the moving hand; or his attention 
may shift to the paper. He may reach out for the paper or crayon 
in a manner which suggests that he is seeking an object but is 
not in any sense heeding the demonstration as such. At 40 weeks, 
also, he may reach out for and manipulate the paper during one of 
the demonstrations but sometimes he regards, or at least seems to 
regard, the scribble on the second or third demonstration. Very 
rarely does he attend to his own marks. 

The simple item Manipulates paper during demonstration shows 
a consistent decline which indicates a significant trend in the 
organization of attentional behavior. At 36 weeks about half of 
the infants (45 per cent) grasp for the paper during the demonstra- 
tion scribble. Twenty weeks later not a single infant made such a 
grasp. Whether one describes this developmental change in terms 



31 PAPER AND CRAYON BEHAVIOR 213 

of changing interest or of inhibition, it denotes an important gain 
in the selectivity of regard. At 56 weeks the Infant perceives in 
detail and in interpretive context a situation which previously he 
reacted to in grosser and more general terms. One cannot put these 
facts into causal relations. Does he now make marks by ^inten- 
tion" because he is able to clearly attend to the marks of the 
demonstrator? Or does he give his clear attention to the demonstra- 
tor's marks because he is now able to make similar marks by his 
own intention ? 

Attentional-regard appears to be a function of the motor 
organization of the total reaction system. The same growth proc- 
esses which bring the infant to the brink of scribbling at the close 
of the first year project themselves into the second, the third, 
and the fourth years. Growing by subtle increments and individua- 
tions the maturational complex lays the basis for progressive 
achievements which lead from crude to precise imitative stroking, 
from vertical to horizontal lines, and later to circle, cross, and 
square. In a systematic study of the genetic sequences both of 
spontaneous and of induced drawing, we find a striking validation 
of Sir Thomas Browne's dictum: "Nature geometrizeth and ob- 
serveth order in all things/' 

Spontaneous Manipulation and Exploitation. For convenience 
of reference this summary will offer separate discussions of the 
spontaneous and induced aspects of paper and crayon behavior. 
Spontaneous behavior comes first in development and also in the 
observed situation. It should be considered first. 

At 36 weeks the initial response may be to the paper. The infant 
fingers it, picks it up, grabs it grossly, or slaps it. Rarely is the 
activity confined to the paper. Characteristically he picks up 
the crayon and puts it immediately into his mouth. He may 
mouth without further manipulation. Any marking of the paper 
which may occur is apparently adventitious. Even at 40 weeks 
he may give exclusive attention to the crayon (54 per cent). He 
may manipulate it with regard before putting it to the mouth, 
he may transfer it (38 per cent), or he may hit the crayon on the 
table top, and by the same drumming movement he may make 
staccato marks on the paper. But spontaneous combining is 
barely incipient and these marks too are by-products rather than 
end products. 

Well-defined spontaneous combining of paper and crayon is not 
present even at 44 weeks. About one child in three combines by 



214 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 31 

drumming, dragging, or dangling the crayon, which leaves faint 
meandering marks. This element of restraint making for delicacy 
of response should perhaps be regarded as a developmental incre- 
ment rather than a personality characteristic. It may occur in 
association with vigorous hitting. It has already been noted in the 
cup and spoon situation, 

At the three age levels, 48 through 56 weeks, spontaneous 
combining becomes increasingly well defined and rises in frequency 
from 42 per cent to 74 per cent. There is a corresponding trend 
toward prolongation and repetition of combining. The very in- 
tensity, number, and length of the strokes which the infant makes 
show some tendency to increase with age. Linear marks as con- 
trasted with staccato show a significant increase at 56 weeks, 
rising from a frequency of 10 per cent to 74 per cent. Whereas 
at 52 weeks one child in three made staccato marks only, there 
were no such instances at 56 weeks. On the contrary one child in 
three made linear marks only at 56 weeks. This tendency toward 
linearity in spontaneous combining lies at the basis of the increas- 
ing responsiveness to the scribble demonstrations in the period 
from 48 weeks to 56 weeks. Considering the vigor and dominance 
of staccato marks at the earlier age levels, it is an impressive fact 
that after demonstration three-fourths of the 56 weeks-old infants 
made linear marks only. 

Manipulation and Exploitation after Demonstration. There 
is a reciprocity between spontaneous and induced behavior but 
the essential dependence of the latter on the former has already 
been made apparent. At 36 weeks the infant attends to the demon- 
stration only momentarily. He probably neither heeds the marks 
made by the examiner nor senses the import of applying the crayon 
to the paper. Indeed to what degree he actually comprehends the 
scribbling demonstration even at the age of one year will not 
become entirely clear. But at 36 weeks the demonstration has 
little if any effect on his subsequent behavior. Excluding purely 
accidental instances, he never makes any mark upon the paper. 
Even at 40 weeks few marks are made accidentally or otherwise. 
The infant indulges in a wide range of activities, exploiting the 
paper by waving, crumpling, transferring, tearing; or he may 
manipulate and mouth the crayon. Combining only after demon- 
stration occurs in one child out of five. At 44, 48, and 52 weeks 
such combining occurs in one child out of three. At 56 weeks 



31 PAPER AND CRAYON BEHAVIOR 15 

again in one child out of five. The significance of these trends will 
be presently commented upon. 

At 44 weeks the inducing effects of demonstration are more 
noticeable and there is a decided increase over 40 weeks both in 
staccato and in linear marks. At 48 weeks two-thirds of the infants 
combine crayon and paper sometime during the entire situation 
(one-third after demonstration only). But this combining tends 
to be fleeting and casual. It is not sustained. Although there is 
some evidence of improved performance, the infant does not 
mimetically duplicate the back-and-forth scribble motions. But 
with successive demonstration, the staccato marks sometimes 
become heavier and there is an increase in the number of linear 
marks. Even at 48 weeks many infants (29 per cent) still hit the 
crayon on the table top. Significantly enough at 52 weeks all but 
3 per cent of the infants confine the crayon to the paper. 

At 52 weeks both spontaneous and responsive combining 
become more frequent and decisive. However, the infant may still 
show a secondary interest in the paper and he seems to heed and to 
reproduce the general movement of the demonstrator *s hand rather 
than the scribble itself. The responsiveness to one of the demon- 
strations is at least unambiguous even though the infant's scribble 
is accomplished by a rather aimless brushing or scrubbing motion. 
Half of the infants at 52 weeks and three-fourths of the infants 
at 56 weeks combine paper and crayon both before and after 
demonstration. This indicates that the nascent age for scribbling 
may be placed at one year, but it is now clear that even such a 
nascent stage has its prenascent preparations. 

At 52 weeks the infant is more susceptible to the demonstration. 
There is more evidently a learning or particularizing factor in his 
response. The character of his marks tends to show a change from 
the first through the third demonstration. Drumming and tapping 
strokes now give way in some measure to side-to-side strokes. A 
larger number of marks is made after demonstration than before, 
which is a decided reversal of the behavior at 48 weeks. At 56 weeks, 
the reaction to the demonstrator (and often it is the first demon- 
stration) becomes yet more responsive. The infant prehends and 
employs the crayon more as though it were an instrument to be 
applied to the paper. He may transfer it to the preferred hand. 
Even spontaneously he tilts the crayon to bring it to tear on the 
paper; he drags or brushes it across the surface. 



216 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 82 

After demonstration, combinations are made repetitively and 
the marks may approximate those of the examiner. Lateral stroking 
predominates over staccato stroking though either and both may 
occur. Especially in response to demonstration, the marks now 
become linear in nine children out of ten, and in two-thirds of 
these instances, the marks are long. Frequently these linear marks 
assume an unmistakably directed character. This dawning mastery 
over linearity heralds drawing. The 56 weeks-old infant is at the 
nether threshold of drawing. 

3. PERFORMANCE Box BEHAVIOR 

(40 weeks-56 weeks) 
The Situation 




FIG. 32. Performance box behavior: 40 weeks and 48 weeks. 

Holding the performance box by the handle, the examiner 
placed the box with its lower edge parallel to the transverse 
standard line. After appropriate observation of the reactions to 
the box, the examiner took the rod in the left hand and proffered 
it in oblique alignment to the infant. Spontaneous behavior with 
the rod was then observed. While the infant was holding the rod 
the examiner pointed with the right index finger to the center 
hole of the performance box saying, "Put it in there/' The ex- 
aminer made a tapping gesture toward the hole. If the infant 
retained the rod without inserting it, the examiner removed the 
rod and himself inserted it deliberately into the round hole of 
the performance box. The rod fell with audible report within the 
box. The examiner removed the rod and proffered it to the infant 



32 PERFORMANCE BOX BEHAVIOR 217 

as before. Three consecutive demonstrations were made In this 
manner. 

Stimulus Factors 

The performance box grew out of several needs and circum- 
stances. We had become impressed with the inveterate propensity 
of many infants over nine months of age to pry and probe with 
the index finger into holes and cavities. These infants were in- 
terested in the exploration of the interiors of boxes and in the 
insertion and extraction of things. It was also noted that they 
were as interested in vertical surfaces as in horizontal ones. 

While the preschool developmental test materials were taking 
shape, we had become accustomed to placing them in a filing case 
as a container. With the addition of a handle, this container 
became a portable kit. By leaving one end open and by sawing 
out three holes on one of the vertical surfaces, the kit was then 
transformed into a performance box, which was used in both 
formal and informal ways to elicit reactions from young children. 
The performance box is a type of formboard more primitive than 
the conventional, horizontal kind which will be described in the 
next section. 

Unless we except the table top, the performance box is the most 
massive stimulus object used for purposes of normative obser- 
vation. Because of its size, it might well have been used to explore 
in a simple way some of the perceptual responses of the very young 
infants. Using standardized procedures, it would be possible to 
present the performance box to infants from. 1 weeks to or more 
years of age with full assurance that the reactions would reveal 
instructive genetic gradations. As already indicated, however, 
our interest was in the more advanced stages of motor adap- 
tiveness, and the performance box observations were begun at 
40 weeks, the poking age. Stimulus factors will be briefly discussed 
with special reference to their implications in the field of form- 
board behavior. 

When the performance box is slowly brought into the scope 
of the child's vision, it may have an aspect of strangeness; in a 
few exceptional instances its formidable dimensions actually 
excited temporary apprehension. In most infants, however, the 
initial response, if we may use interpretive terms, is in the nature 
of wonderment and surprise. With many infants, the size and 
position of the box immediately release postural responses. The 



218 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 32 

hands thrust themselves simultaneously forward and come to rest 
on the upper edge of the box. The Infant pulls himself up as he 
might in his crib or play pen. 

Here is an excellent proof that the stimulus value of an object 
is a function of the current action trends and capacities of the 
infant. If because of maturity or temperament he is posturally 
sensitized, he reacts gross motorwise. He rises to the occasion and 
his exploitations take on a definitely athletic character, so vigorous 
that the examiner himself may have to use athletic measures to 
keep the situation under control. But when the gross motor 
impulses are partially satisfied, a refinement of response asserts 
itself. The infant then peers into the open end of the box or he 
resumes his seated position and begins to explore the holes with 
his hands and fingers. Some infants are preoccupied by all or one 
of the three holes. The differences in position, shape, and size 
of the holes permit observations of preferences in perception 
and exploitation. Since the small, round hole is in the middle, a 
stimulus priority over the angular holes can come into evidence. 

After the performance box has been kept in the transverse 
position at right angles to the median diameter of the table top, 
its position may be changed by a rotation of 30 or 40 away from 
the prehensory hand of the child. This shift in orientation, though 
not part of the standard procedure, interestingly reveals the 
importance of postural factors in adaptive behavior. Infants who 
did not succeed in inserting the rod when the box was in full 
transverse alignment, may promptly succeed when it is in oblique 
alignment. 

The rod greatly elaborates the stimulus potentialities of the 
performance box situation. The rod may be exploited alone; 
it may be brought in diverse ways against the box. Spontaneously 
inserted, or inserted by the examiner for demonstration, the 
sound of wood against wood apparently adds greatly to the 
stimulus of the situation. Whether or not there is a sense of mystery 
in the disappearance of the rod within the box, the situation fre- 
quently awakens the investigatory impulses of the infant. His 
behavior will be discussed chiefly in terms of his motor and 
perceptual adaptiveness, but it may be said that the performance 
box has many informal uses for supplementary clinical obser- 
vations of personality characteristics. In older children, motor 
adaptiveness may be observed by offering a square block instead 
of the rod for insertion into the upright rectangular opening. 



32 



PERFORMANCE BOX BEHAVIOR 



219 



SITUATION: PERFORMANCE Box (PfB) 



PfB 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


PERFORMANCE Box ALONE 
Places hands on box 






















77 


9?! 


61 


6fl 


71 


2 


Prior manipulation of box . 






















54 


54 


00 


S4 


SO 


8 


Manipulates box exclusively 






















19 


,W 


IS 


19 


13 


4 


Reaches to top of box 






















fi? 


67 


48 


o>8 


70 


5 


Manipulates box near holes 






















69 


50 


78 


69 


70 


6 


Prior manipulation of holes. 






















4 a 


S8 


70 


56 


65 


7 


Manipulates holes exclusively 






















19 


<?0 


9,6 


r,i 


30 


8 


Pokes in holes .... 






















SI 


42 


74 


66 


65 


9 


Manipulates both box and holes 






















58 


4* 


m 


34 


57 


10 


ROD PRESENTED 
Manipulates rod 






















5fl 


4" 


SO 


19 


36 


11 


Transfers rod . . ... 






















<?<P 


4>7 


T5 


5 


16 


12 
13 


Brings rod to box surface or holes 
Brings rod to box surface 






















64 

H 


65 

f,fi 


74 

9,6 


81 

16 


88 

16 


14 
15 
16 


Brings rod to right or left hole 
Brings rod to middle hole 
Rubs rod against box 
























4 
90 


15 
15 
ftfi 


33 
19 
15 


43 
35 
19 


64 
60 

4 


17 


Inserts rod in hole 

























19 


56 


60 


72 


18 
19 


Inserts rod in middle hole 
Inserts rod never releases.. 




























19 



56 


33 
38 


40 
40 


20 


Releases rod in hole 































9,1 


8$ 


21 


INSERTION DEMONSTRATED 
Pursues rod as Examiner inserts 






















19 


oft 


35 


9,9 


W 


22 


Manipulates box 






















50 


62 


65 


40 


43 


23 


Pokes holes .... 






















1,9, 


W 


50 


w 


J# 


24 


1VT anipulates and mouths rod 






















54 


50 


49, 


*8 


33 


25 


Drops rod without relation to box 






















23 


HI 


8 


12 


M 


26 


Brings rod to box . 






















65 


73 


92 


97 


95 


27 


Brings rod to box surface only 






















42 


54 


54 


33 


10 


28 


Brings rod to box and releases 

























27 


35 


7 


74 


29 


Brings rod to vicinity of holes only. . 






















T2 


19 


35 


51 


29 


30 
31 


Brings rod to box on repeated demonstra. 
Hits rod on box 






















33 

9ft 


35 

19 


67 




79 




75 

8 


32 
























19 


31 


ft 


80 


5 


33 


Inserts rod in hole 

























38 


58 


76 


86 


34 
35 


Inserts rod without ever releasing 
Inserts rod in middle hole. . 


























38 
8 


46 
35 


38 
66 


24 
76 


36 


Releases rod in hole 




























12 


39 


62 


37 


Releases rod in "middle fio-U* 




























'4 


26 


52 


38 






























12 


30 


52 


39 


A f *t "th " ht 1 ft hole 






















4 


15 


80 


57 


67 


40 


Activity with middle holfi 

























15 


42 


58 


86 


41 


Evidence of induced behavior 






















27 


42 


38 


58 


67 


42 


Postural activity 






















8 


23 


80 


26 


48 





































Behavior Trends 

The situation is presented in tliree phases and it will best serve 
the purposes of summary to treat each phase separately in the 
order of the procedure, namely: (A) Reactions to the performance 
box alone; (5) Behavior after presentation of the rod; (0) Be- 
havior after demonstration of rod insertion. Five age levels are 
considered. At 40 weeks the infant typically gives prior and 
predominant heed to the box, with secondary, shifting attention 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 32 

to the holes. At 56 weeks there is a prior, predominating and 
almost exclusive preoccupation with the holes. It will be the 
purpose of the following summary to trace the stages by which this 
developmental transformation of behavior is achieved. 

A. Reactions to the Performance Box Alone. At 40 weeks the 
infant is initially interested in the massive aspects of the box. 
He promptly reaches out, usually with both hands, which he 
places on the top of the box. Later he gives rather transient heed 
to one or more of the three holes, and he may bring his fingers in 
the vicinity of a hole, but only one child in three definitely pokes 
into a hole. At 44 weeks there is typically a more equal division 
of attention between box and holes, though nine children out of ten 
contact the box with both hands, usually immediately after 
presentation. Two children out of five confine their subsequent 
activity to the box, one out of five to the holes. At all age levels 
a few children limited their manipulatory activity either to the 
box or to the holes but the rule is a distribution of activity with 
increasing exploitation of the holes. 

Even at 44 weeks it is rather characteristic for the infant to 
visually regard the holes before or during his reaching for the box. 
At 48 weeks, however, his prior approach is for the holes them- 
selves, most frequently the middle and right holes. These he 
explores by a prompt and probing extension of the index finger, 
but, having done so, it is then almost equally characteristic for 
him to exploit the box en masse by pushing and pulling, or by 
raising himself with hands placed on the upper edge. The prior 
manipulation of the holes shows a very neat genetic peak at this 
age, 70 per cent flanked by 88 per cent at 44 weeks and 56 per cent 
at 52 weeks. 

At 5 weeks the manipulatory preoccupation with the holes 
becomes very marked. Characteristically the initial attention 
goes to one of the holes with a prompt thrust of the right index 
finger (the thumb is only rarely used) . The attention is now more 
sustained and the shift of manipulatory activity to the box itself 
is relatively slight in its accent. This is a developmental reversal, 
for three months earlier the distribution of attention was opposite 
in character. Accordingly two children out of five now confine 
their manipulation to the holes (compare 44 weeks, when a similar 
proportion restricted their activity to the box). At 56 weeks the 
selective interest in holes asserts itself even when there is a strong 
drive to postural activity. There is evidence of a preferential 



32 PERFORMANCE BOX BEHAVIOR 221 

interest in the middle, circular hole after presentation of the rod. 
At this age, too, the infant may bring his eye up to the hole to 
peek through it an interesting new acquisition which came from 
where ? 

B. Behavior after Presentation of the Rod. The rod is placed 
in the infant's hand and his spontaneous behavior is then observed. 
The possession of the rod introduces new possibilities of behavior, 
but close examination will reveal that these possibilities are not 
unique; they follow the action patterns already noted in the unim- 
plemented hand. Indeed the index finger is a hinged rod which 
the infant conveniently carries in his own anatomy, and what he 
presently does with the wooden rod is well anticipated by what 
he has already done spontaneously with his most extensible digit. 

Two-thirds or more of the infants spontaneously combine the 
rod and the box in some way at each age level. At 40 weeks the 
normative infant at once accepts the rod and brings it against 
the frontal surface of the performance box, often in a broadside 
manner. He is quite heedless of the hol&s, or, more accurately, 
he does not bring the rod into relation with the holes even though 
he may glance at them. He may mouth the rod, transfer it, and 
otherwise manipulate it. In half of the infants, much of the activity 
was restricted to the rod. Such restrictive rod activity is less 
frequent and less pronounced at subsequent age levels. 

At 44 weeks the rod behavior presents transitional character- 
istics, similar to those already noted, when the infant used only 
his hands in his reactions to the performance box. He may manipu- 
late the rod by itself and drop it without relation to any exploita- 
tion of the box. Commonly he brings the rod flatly against the 
box in a crudely adaptive manner. Rubbing the rod back and 
forth transversely and diagonally is rather characteristic. Occa- 
sionally the end of the rod is applied to the vicinity of the holes, 
and rarely it is caught against a margin of the hole in a manner 
which resembles or foreshadows the poking of a later age. His 
forefinger has been caught in the same holes in a similar manner. 

At 48 weeks there is a decisive developmental increment in this 
pattern, and poking or inserting the rod rises sharply to 56 per cent 
(from 19 per cent at 44 weeks). Although the infant has by no means 
mastered the simple reorientation of a right-angulated adjustment, 
the rod is not brought so flatly against the box. The larger lateral 
holes are quite evidently discriminated and the rod is definitely 
even though awkwardly thrust into the opening. The teleology 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 3 

of this thrust we do not know. It is characteristic for the infant 
at 48 weeks not to release the rod while it is in the hole. The act 
of poking itself seems to be the dominant behavior value for the 
infant and variations of pattern are not so diverse as at the next 
age, when the technique of poking is already more established. 

At 5 weeks the mechanics both of orientation and of insertion 
is nearer perfection. One infant out of three applied the rod to the 
middle hole, which was relatively avoided at 48 weeks. Release 
of the rod occurs only occasionally, both at 5% and at 56 weeks. 

At 56 weeks the perceptual and motor capacities show further 
perfection. Three-fifths of the infants display manipulatory interest 
in the smaller and more difficult middle hole; two-fifths spontane- 
ously insert the rod in this hole; one-third release the rod. It is 
interesting to note that of the three performance tasks presented 
by the three holes, the infant does not evade the technically most 
difficult. 

C. Behavior after Demonstration of Rod Insertion. When 
behavior improves after demonstration, we are likely to ascribe 
it to the stimulus of the demonstration; it is, however, impossible 
to appraise the amount of specific adaptation which takes place 
as a direct result of the demonstrations themselves. The demonstra- 
tions serve to channelize activity already under way; they may 
have a directive rather than a genuine modeling effect upon the 
performance. It is for some such reason that postdemonstration 
behavior is often so closely akin to the spontaneous. 

At 40 weeks the repeated demonstrations scarcely have any 
observable effect upon the child's behavior; One-fourth of the 
children hit the rod on the box. No infant inserted a rod in the 
hole at any time during the situation. The infants apparently give 
due visual heed to at least one of the demonstrations, and then 
blithely pursue their erstwhile activities. There is virtually no 
increase in the number of combinings of rod and box at this age, 
although at all the later ages the percentages show such an increase 
after the demonstrations. There is a slight increase in the poking 
of the holes by the finger, particularly after the examiner inserts 
the rod. It is as though the demonstration served to sharpen the 
recognition of the holes. The poking follows immediately and may 
be by the finger of the free hand, or by a finger of the prehensory 
hand. It is significant that the child will poke with his finger even 
while he is holding the rod; he has a better mastery of his own digit 
than of an extraneous tool. 



32 PERFORMANCE BOX BEHAVIOR 

At 44 weeks lie has a better command of the rod In relation 
to the holes. There is an increase in the incidence of insertions as a 
result of the demonstrations, but now and at 40 weeks he often 
manipulates the box or the holes independently of the rod. Broadly 
speaking we may say that at 40 weeks demonstration may influence 
his perception of the holes; at 44 weeks it influences his application 
of the rod with reference to the holes. 

At 48 weeks there is a still more lively alertness to the rela- 
tionship of rod and hole. One child out of three pursues with his 
own finger the disappearing rod as the examiner releases the rod 
in the box. The demonstrations, however, have no striking effect 
upon performance. We have already noted the " natural" rise in 
the percentage of insertions during the spontaneous period prior 
to rod presentation. This percentage remains almost unchanged 
after demonstration. However, there is a tendency toward an 
increase in the number and in the precision of the responsive 
applications of the rod to the box. There is more insertion into 
the middle hole. Indeed, no child at 48 weeks spontaneously in- 
serted in the middle hole, while one in three so inserted after 
demonstration. Behavior was usually at its optimum after the 
third demonstration. All of these facts suggest that the demonstra- 
tions now have some effect upon the course and the specific 
adaptiveness of activity. However, the child is by no means a 
paragon of imitativeness; he still rubs the rod across the box 
in a vigorous and disruptive manner (reported in 42 per cent of the 
cases) which declares inner necessities that defy the external model 

At 52 weeks responsiveness appears to increase. Perhaps it is 
not responsiveness in the abstract which increases, but there is an 
access of new ability, particularly that of release. Practically all 
infants now bring the rod combiningly into relation with the box 
after demonstration. Insertions or attempted insertions, including 
those in the middle hole, increase. There is a tendency toward 
repetitive insertion. Release of the rod occurs much more fre- 
quently (two-thirds of the infants now manifest release), but often 
the release is ill timed and the half -inserted rod falls back onto 
the table top. Orientation in approach also shows improvement; 
one child in four at 52 weeks releases the rod in the middle hole. 
The general item Releases the rod in hole shows a significant gain 
at 48, 52, and 56 weeks.. Prior to demonstration, the percentage 
frequencies at these ages were 0, 21, and 32. After demonstration, 
the percentages rose to 12, 39, and 62. 



224 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



$33 



Release in the middle hole shows a developmental increase from 
per cent at 44 weeks to 4 per cent at 48 weeks, 26 per cent at 
52 weeks, and 52 per cent at 56 weeks. The capacity of adaptive 
release grows slowly. It is not reported at all at 40 weeks; but at 
52 weeks two-thirds, and at 56 weeks three-fourths, of the infants 
are credited with the ability to bring the rod to the box with 
subsequent release. However, even at 44 weeks no infant released 
the rod so that it fell into the box; at 56 weeks 52 per cent so re- 
leased. This proportion would have been increased had the per- 
formance box been placed in a slightly oblique position. The 
orientational difficulties of rod insertion indicate neuromuscular 
and possibly also perceptual limitations, which in turn limit the 
effects of practice and demonstration. 

33. FORMBOARD BEHAVIOR 

(20 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 




FIG. 33. Formboard behavior: 4 weeks and 40 weeks. 

Holding the board in the horizontal plane with the circular 
opening at the right of the infant, the examiner placed the board 
on the table top in the near median zone. After appropriate ob- 
servation of the reactions to the board, the examiner presented the 
round block in the standard manner, advancing it edge- wise 
toward the infant. Spontaneous behavior with the board and 
block was observed. The examiner then removed the block from 
the infant's grasp and without delay or ceremony slipped the block 
into the round hole. Again spontaneous behavior in relation to 



33 FORMBOARD BEHAVIOR 

the inserted block was noted. If In Ms efforts to Insert the block, 
the formboard tended to slide out of position, the examiner 
anchored it with his own hands. 

Stimulus Factors 

Our formboard calls for a brief historical note. Formboards 
have become one of the most popular of all devices in testing the 
performance of both children and adults. A complete collection 
of such formboards would fill a sizable museum. Formboards trace 
back at least to Dr. Itard, the French physician, who used a 
simple geometric board in his ' famous educational venture in 
training the wild boy of Aveyron. His device was two feet square 
and on this surface he pasted three pieces of brightly colored 
paper, a red circle, a blue triangle, and a black square. Pieces of 
cardboard of the same forms and colors were provided to match 
with these. 

Our infant formboard, therefore, proves to have some cor- 
respondence with the board used by Itard. Itard*s formboard was 
the modern prototype of an unending succession of geometric 
formboards. Our point of departure was the Seguin formboard. 
Seguin constructed several types of formboards, some of which are 
still used at the Seguin training school. He believed that the 
geometric blocks were a valuable aid In the treatment of idiocy 
by what he called the physiological method. He devised formboards 
of varied models and made sets of them for several American insti- 
tutions which he visited from time to time. 

The Vineland version of the Seguin formboard, consisting of 
ten geometric insets, was planned by Dr. Naomi Norsworthy. 
In her original version the similarities of circle, hexagon, and 
octagon made difficulties which Goddard removed by substituting 
a cross for the hexagon and a five-pointed star for the octagon. 
This Itard-Seguin-Norsworthy-Goddard formboard has proved a 
very useful tool in the clinical study of both normal and defective 
children. 

When we began our investigation of preschool children we 
thought it desirable to devise a simplified formboard adapted to 
their immature capacities. In the interests of continuity in devel- 
opmental research we decided to construct this formboard along 
the lines of the Vineland model and made the dimensions of the 
blocks identical. (The board is rectangular in shape [6J^by 14 in.] 
with three open holes approximately 3 in. in diameter.) These 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 33 

holes In order are circular, triangular, and square, and into each 
hole a corresponding block, white in color, may be inserted. 
Unlike the Vineland model there is no backing to the formboard, 
and the surface of the table top appears through the openings. 
These modifications in construction make the formboard more 
flexible and widen the range of stimulus factors for the infant. 

For purposes of developmental study we have found it profit- 
able to present the formboard situation as early as the age of 
20 weeks. In a sense, it seems almost presumptuous to present 
such a geometric problem to an infant so young. It should be 
borne in mind, however, that we are interested in the formboard 
not as a performance test per se but as a stimulus object which 
may be systematically used to explore the stages which precede 
successful adaptations to the geometric requirements of the 
performance problem. 

For the same genetic reasons we present this situation in three 
progressive stages at each age level. Formboard behavior in the 
sophisticated sense does not begin until a child can on sight 
adaptively place the three geometric forms in their appropriate 
positions. Ordinarily this does not occur in the normal infant until 
about the age of two years, but this successful adjustment is 
preceded by an impressive series of progressive adaptations,, all 
of which seem to be developmentally necessary for the later level 
of performance. 

The three stages of presentation just mentioned are as follows: 
(A) Presentation of the formboard alone; (J5) Presentation of the 
round block; (C) Demonstrational insertion of the round block by 
the examiner. This method of presentation multiplies the stimulus 
factors and gives wide opportunity for their analytic study. 

When the board alone is presented it is possible to make note 
of both massive and discriminatory reactions. Does the infant 
react to the board as a whole or does he react to the individual 
holes, and what manipulatory orientations does he make to an 
object so large? Genetically, it is important to recall the fact that 
a 6J^ by 14 in. board is a sizable object even for the adult. Com- 
paratively, for the infant whose height is less than double the 
length of the formboard, this object is large and also relatively 
heavy. In fact, the round block alone proves to be somewhat too 
heavy for the 20 weeks-old infant to hold. For such reasons we 
were, of course, tempted to reduce the size of the formboard, to 
temper its weight, and to make its dimensions suitable to the 



33 FORMBOARD BEHAVIOR 287 

dimensions of the infant himself. However, as already suggested, 
it seemed more desirable in the Interests of external continuity 
of the data to examine these very difficulties and to keep the 
situation experimentally in series with observations made by 
means of the Vineland formboard. 

The formboard tends to lie flat on the table top. The pro- 
pensities of the infant to rotate and to lift the board and to change 
its orientations are made evident by presenting the board alone. 
Does the board have priority over the block? And when and how 
does the infant attain the characteristic behavior pattern of 
bringing the block into a matching relationship to the board? 
These questions are of more than trivial import when we recognize 
that they concern the development of form perception and the 
recognition of spatial conventions. A spatial convention is a 
physical relationship which has the sanction of social custom. 
Even at the advanced age of two years, as well as earlier, under 
the conditions of the normative examination, we occasionally 
find that the child addresses himself to the board and brings the 
board into relationship with the blocks rather than vice versa. 
In other words, when the circular, triangular, and square blocks 
lie before him, he seizes the board at either end and attempts to 
superimpose the board precisely over the blocks an interesting 
and not unoriginal disregard for conventional procedure. 

Because with the younger child the stimulus values of block 
and board are equally divided, it becomes necessary at certain 
stages of the examination for the examiner to place his own hand 
on the board in order to give opportunity for the relational be- 
havior with the block. Ordinarily, however, the infant is given 
full scope to exploit the block and board without restriction. 
In the second phase of the situation the block alone is presented 
and the spontaneous behavior observed. The block is then taken 
by the examiner and without formal demonstration the examiner 
places it in the hole. At once the whole stimulus pattern changes 
because the infant is now confronted with a new perceptual 
situation and with difficult problems of grasp and of extraction. 

Developmentally we may ask, When does the infant react to 
the situation in terms of container and contained? What reaction 
patterns are necessary for the act of voluntary extraction? How 
does the infant solve this elementary engineering problem, which 
in one way or another involves the principle of fulcrum and lever? 
And what is the genetic relation between the capacity of extraction 



228 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 33 

and the capacity of insertion? Does one developmentally precede 
the other or do these patterns mature independently without 
dynamic relationship to each other? When does the infant pay 
regard to the holes ? Does he give preference to any one of the three 
holes in his regard and his applications of the block? Although 
the subjective aspects must remain in obscurity, these questions 
can be answered in part by observing the developmental sequence 
of reactions to the formboard situation. Some of these questions 
have arisen in different context in other situations like the pellet 
and bottle and the performance box. It would be possible to pursue 
the comparisons with these situations, but we confine ourselves 
now to a summary of the three-hole formboard behavior, dividing 
the discussion into three parts conforming with the three stages of 
presentation. 

Behavior Trends 

Presentation of the Formboard Alone. Although the formboard 
is a massive object, it is interesting to note that as many as 
17 per cent of weeks-old infants do not manually contact the 
board. Thereafter contact is virtually universal. All 20 weeks-old 
infants, however, regard the board. There may be discernible 
shifting of the eyes scanning the edges of the board but only 
occasionally is there a suggestion of regard for the holes. Perception 
of the holes is in a nascent stage and does not become well defined 
until the age of 24 weeks. This increment in perceptual behavior 
is interesting and significant. Two-thirds of the 20 weeks-old 
infants show " undirected " hand-arm activity in the presence of 
the board. Such activity was rarely or never observed at 32 weeks 
and thereafter. The term " undirected " is of doubtful value if it 
suggests that the infant was not adjusting to the situation in 
making these digressional movements. Indeed three-fourths of 
the infants made an apparently definite approach upon the board. 
Such approach is practically universal at later ages. At 20 weeks 
the contact results in a crude pushing and less frequently in. a 
pulling or dragging kind of "manipulation." Half of the children 
manipulate without grasp. Lifting and pulling the formboard off 
the table top were very exceptional. 

At 24 weeks two-thirds of the children manipulate without 
grasp and half of them placed a hand in the holes. This insertion 
of the hand in the hole is rather characteristic of 24 weeks, al- 



33 



FORMBOARD BEHAVIOR 



SITUATION: FORMBOARD (F) 



F 


Behavior items 4 ! 6 8 12 


16 20 


24 


28 


3a 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 

16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 

36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 
55 
56 
57 
58 
59 
60 
61 
62 
63 


FORMBOARD ALONE 
Contacts 












83 
65 

74 

48 
17 
57 
39 

22 
4 
13 

! 

I 

9 

57 
50 
50 

20 
9 
9 

7 

72 

43 
20 

21 
28 

7 





60 

40 
100 
100 


20 

40 



















20 


97 

48 
94 
65 
52 

68 
55 

26 
13 



3 



35 

89 

21 
18 
64 
57 
50 
7 
7 
54 
50 
18 
7 
18 
18 
4 
4 
4 
4 



71 
57 
67 
91 

19 
19 
14 
24 
14 

5 
5 
5 




14 









29 


100 

32 
100 
52 

45 
71 

42 
45 
32 
19 
10 

10 

10 

87 

10 

94 
68 

45 
So 
23 
58 
29 
29 
16 
16 
42 
13 
7 
7 




87 
68 
62 

81 

23 
52 

29 
26 
29 
13 
23 
7 
7 

10 
3 

29 


7 







s& 


100 

9 
100 
56 

47 
75 
34 
53 
50 
38 
9 

22 
~0 
6 

81 



88 
50 

34 
31 
16 
53 
38 
19 
16 
25 
34 
19 
6 
6 

3 
3 

97 
94 

41 
76 
35 
55 
& 
52 
61 
23 
32 
35 
35 

35 
16 
3 
23 
10 

26 


3 
3 
3 

38 


100 


97 

47 
32 
65 

24 
38 
71 
21 
6 

24 
6 
3 

100 



97 
62 

36 
30 
40 
58 
27 
33 
9 
4* 
49 
18 
18 
9 

3 


100 
100 

26 
77 

& 

39 
55 

74 

23 

42 

ye 

42 

55 
2Q 
3 
28 
30 
13 
35 
19 
3 
9 
3 


23 


100 


100 

41 
35 
41 
15 
24 
74 
6 
27 

38 
6 
12 

100 



91 
50 

24 
41 
38 
68 
35 
41 
24 
18 
62 
21 
21 
12 
3 
3 


100 
100 

3 
66 

23 
60 
26 
54 
97 
34 
54 
37 
37 

77 
28 
29 
46 
60 
89 
54 
29 
17 
17 
3 
3 
11 
3 


100 


94 
41 
25 
50 
31 
16 
72 
13 
19 

31 
13 
6 

100 



91 

36 
12 
3S 
40 
73 
21 
42 
21 
36 
73 
36 
36 
27 
9 
15 
9 

97 
97 

12 
67 
24 
61 
21 
58 
88 
30 
51 
# 
46 
6 
73 
18 
40 
18 
52 
21 
51 
27 
SO 
40 
18 
6 
28 
15 


100 


93 

26 

29 

48 

32 
10 
74 
10 
13 
13 
32 
13 
7 

100 



94 

32 


18 

# 

29 
56 

21 
29 
76 

21 
41 
18 
12 
34 
21 

100 
100 

3 
59 

25 
56 
13 
47 
97 
41 
50 
34 
50 
16 
81 
19 
9 
22 
59 
13 
75 
50 
19 
50 
41 
28 
29 
22 


100 


97 
33 
33 
31 
23 

82 

5 

23 
28 
15 

100 



90 
18 

10 
25 
83 
8 
68 
25 
33 
88 
5 
60 
35 
S3 
40 
18 

100 
100 

28 
3 
31 
5 
38 
100 
72 
31 
38 
62 
26 
87 
5 
5 
23 
64 
5 
79 
59 
21 
59 
62 
54 

48 

t 


100 


100 

10 
25 
35 
20 
10 
SO 
5 


80 
35 


100 



100 

15 

19 
23 
92 
12 
77 
54 
23 
89 
8 
85 
35 
27 
62 
38 

92 
92 

4 
12 
4 
24 
4 
28 
84 
76 
28 
20 
64 
52 
68 
4 

ia 

20 
52 
8 
68 
48 
24 
60 
48 
44 
50 
16 


Undirected hand-arm activity 
Approaches 


Manipulates without grasp 
Places hands in holes (implied) . 


Moves about on table top . 


Pushes 


Pulls or drags 


Lifts 


Pulls off table top 


Brings to platform 


Brings to side rail 


Releases . 


Turns over . 


Fusses 


BLOCK PRESENTED 
Contacts round block . . . 


Examiner places block in hand 


Holds block only momentarily 


Holds block actively 


Block to mouth, , 


Block to mouth irmTn*cIifl,tP;]y,, , 


Transfers block 


Turns block 


Drops block 


Drops block on table top 


Releases block on formboard 


Resecures released block 


Manipulates formboard . . 


Brings block to formboard 


Hits block on formboard 


Brings block in relation to holes , 


Applies block in vicinity of hole 


Releases block in vicinity of hole . 




Inserts block in hole ,..,... 


BLOCK IN HOLE 


Attempts secural of block 


(If attempts secural) unsuccessful 


(If attempts) gives ^evidence of difficulty. . , 
Scratches at block in hole . . 




Turns block about in hole 


Pulls at block in hole 


Removes block from hole 


Removes block immediately 


Pushes block out from hole 


Pulls block out from hole 


Pulls or picks out. block from hole. 


Picks out or grasps block ... , .... 


Grasps block after removal 


Mouths block 


Carries block to side rail or platform. 




Brings block to formboard 




Releases block on formboard or table top. . . 


Brings block to vicinity of holes 


Brings block to formboard holes 


Incipient insertion of block in hole 




Postural activity 


Frets 





though the reaction occurs frequently at all subsequent age levels. 
The 24 weeks-old infant often scratches the table top while his 
fingers are within the hole. The psychological meaning of this 
reaction can only be conjectured. We do hot know whether in some 
illusory sense he is trying to seize the hole. It is true, however, 
that with advancing age the recognition of the hole as something 



230 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 33 

which cannot be handled declares itself and the child's behavior 
indicates an established distinction between the hole and the 
block. 

At 28 weeks this differentiation is in progress, A characteristic 
form of behavior consists in a slapping or fingering of the form- 
board, alternating with a similar contact upon the holes. But the 
holes are more definitely scrutinized and there is a suggestion 
that the child addresses himself to the round hole more than to 
the two other holes. The increasing activity with the holes indicates 
that the perceptual as well as manipulatory components of his 
behavior have undergone further organization. His manual 
activity with the board is vigorous. He tends to push it away from 
himself instead of to the side, as at 24 weeks. Lifting is more 
frequent and occasionally release occurs after lifting (10 per cent). 
Although these differences in manipulation are somewhat difficult 
to describe, they testify to very definite advances in the prehensory 
control and in the repertoire of his movements. 

Superficially, all of the behavior appears random but when 
closely analyzed it is evident that the type of manipulation is 
changing in a progressive manner. This is borne out by the progres- 
sive trend of the percentages. For example, pushing reaches a 
peak frequency (55 per cent) at 24 weeks, whereas pulling or drag- 
ging reaches its peak frequency (53 per cent) at 32 weeks, declining 
with regularity thereafter. Lifting likewise shows a remarkably 
steady increase from 4 per cent at 20 weeks to 90 per cent at 56 
weeks with a normative frequency of 50 per cent at 32 weeks. 
Because of these trends, which concern the mechanics of behavior, 
the pulling of the formboard off the table top attains its peak 
frequency of 38 per cent at 32 weeks. Releasing likewise is a 
manipulatory behavior item which shows a regular increase from 
per cent at 20 weeks to 80 per cent at 56 weeks. 

Thirty-two weeks proves to be a transitional period in which 
manipulatory interest in the holes is increasing. Typically at 28 
weeks the child's activity consists predominantly in pushing and 
pulling the formboard about on the table top, while at 32 weeks 
there is also a recurrent visual regard for the holes, a regard which 
becomes more defined at 36 weeks. The actual behavior at 32, 36, 
and 40 weeks consists in a gross manipulatory activity, including 
lifting from the table top, carrying the board to the side of the 
crib or to the platform, and mouthing the edge. At 44 weeks the 
infant may let the board fall or may bang it on the table top. 



33 FORMBOARD BEHAVIOR 231 

Similar activity occurs at 48 weeks and occasionally the board is 
dropped over the side rail. 

At 52 and at 56 weeks these varying manipulations take on a 
more controlled and deliberated aspect. The infant may rotate 
the board trundle-wise on the table top or hold it vertically on 
edge for a brief period, as though he were attentive to spatial 
relationships and had matured beyond less critical forms of manip- 
ulation. Peering through one of the holes or thrusting the hand 
through the hole comes into the behavior picture. 

Presentation of the Round Block. The 20 weeks-old infant is 
scarcely able to seize the round block when it is proffered. In 
half of the cases the examiner placed the block in the child's hand. 
Only one child out of five held the block actively and half of the 
infants held it only momentarily. It falls from sheer weight, un- 
supported by the feeble grasp. Characteristically, the 20 weeks-old 
infant does not pursue the block when it is dropped. 

At 24 weeks a definite increment is visible, for now most of 
the infants make a direct approach upon the block and two- 
thirds of them hold the block actively for a more or less extended 
period. The block usually goes immediately to the mouth and is 
chewed. After a brief period of mouthing or manipulation it drops 
to the table top. Both hands usually participate in the prehension. 
After 24 weeks, immediate approach, independent seizure, and 
sustained holding of the block are the rule with but few exceptions. 

At 28 weeks some manipulatory activity characteristically 
occurs after mouthing. This manipulation consists in turning and 
transfer with and without inspection. Although mouthing occurs 
even more frequently (68 per cent) than at 24 weeks, it does not 
occur so completely to the exclusion of other forms of activity. 

The activities. at 32 weeks are similar to those at 28 but there 
are more evidences of incipient combining behavior. Although 
activity may be confined first to the board and then to the block, 
the infant may also occasionally hold at one time both board and 
block and may shift his regard from one to the other. 

At 36 weeks this conjoined regardfulness for both board and 
block is still better defined. Half of the infants bring the block 
to the formboard and one-third of them now release the block 
on the formboard. Although this behavior is subject to errors of 
interpretation it seems to denote an increasing, even though some- 
what ill-defined, reference of the block to the board. One child 
out of five brings the block into some relation to the round hole. 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 33 

Although this behavior is in no sense to be regarded as block 
insertion, it foreshadows a trend toward such an ultimate reaction. 
The item Brings the block into relation with the hole accordingly 
shows a regular ascent from 18 per cent at 36 weeks to 85 per cent 
at 56 weeks. 

Forty weeks shows an accentuation of these trends and almost 
two-thirds of the infants bring the block to the formboard in some 
manner without release, or by placement with release, or by bang- 
ing or dropping, but all this relational activity is still rudimentary 
and there is little spontaneous, specific adaptation of the block 
to the region of the hole. 

Even at 44 weeks the combining activity is relatively crude. 
Hitting the block on the formboard reaches a peak of 36 per cent. 
However, three-fourths of the infants bring the block to the 
formboard in some manner and one child out of four briefly ap- 
plies the block in the vicinity of the hole in a sketchy manner; 
one child out of seven (15 per cent) makes a partial, momentary 
insertion. This percentage rises steadily to 62 per cent at 56 weeks. 
Because of the consistency of this trend we may well believe that 
the few instances of partial insertion observed at 44 weeks were 
not entirely fortuitous. Rather, they were prophetic indicators of a 
patterned propensity which is steadily strengthening. Propensities 
are patterned; they are not generalized impulses. 

At 48 weeks this propensity is already so strong that one child 
out of five spontaneously inserts the round block in the round hole. 
At 56 weeks approximately two out of five children make such a 
spontaneous insertion. At this age also release of the block on the 
formboard rises to a normative frequency of 56 per cent, which 
increases to 77 per cent at 56 weeks. At this latter age there can 
be no doubt about the definite combining character of the block 
and board activity. Succesful insertions at 52 and 56 weeks rise 
from 18 to 38 per cent. There is a marked increase of incipient and 
partial insertions (from 15 per cent at 44 weeks to 6 per cent at 
52 weeks). The spontaneous activity is better defined and is more 
persevering and repetitive. These increments of ability are not 
readily formulated, but comparatively viewed in the cinema 
and in the protocols they are clearly discernible. 

Demonstrational Insertion of the Round Block by the Examiner. 
We shall not hazard any interpretation of the perceptual response 
of the 20 weeks-old infant to the inserted block. He apparently 
regards the block as it rests in the hole and lie is able to contact 



33 FORMBOARD BEHAVIOR 33 

the block In a manner which crudely simulates pulling or pushing. 
However, he is quite incapable of exerting any traction and it 
would probably be very journalistic to describe his reaction as an 
attempt to remove the block. The reaction, however, may be 
considered an attempt to secure the block even if the attempts 
are always unsuccessful. This is not altogether to his discredit, 
since unsuccessful attempts at secural occur in approximately 
two-thirds of the children at 24 and 8 weeks of age and may on 
occasion occur at the advanced age of 56 weeks. Indeed, attempts 
which show evidence of difficulty occur with a frequency of 
59 per cent at the age of 48 weeks and only drop to a low level of 
12 per cent at 56 weeks. These consistent trends suggest that the 
removal of the block constitutes a practical mechanical problem 
of real difficulty for the infant even though he must be credited 
with some manipulatory desire to remove one object from its 
relationship with another. 

In spite of the developmental awkwardness and crudity of the 
manipulation, 14 per cent of the infants at 24 weeks of age are 
able to accomplish removal of the block from the hole. This 
percentage shows a steady increase through the subsequent ages 
to a maximum of 100 per cent at 52 weeks. The consistency of this 
trend indicates that lawful developmental factors are at work in 
organizing the increasing mechanical effectiveness of the infant. 
This suggestion is further confirmed by the steady rise of the 
percentages for the item Removes the block immediately. Prompt 
removal of the block was not observed in any 24 weeks-old infant 
and in only 13 per cent at 28 weeks, but this proportion rises to a 
maximum of 76 per cent at 56 weeks. 

No figures are available for the element of persistence but this 
also undergoes some increase with age. At 24 weeks a small propor- 
tion of the infants scratch, push, pull, or turn the block in some 
manner, but they do not show any persistence in these reactions. 
However, the 24 weeks-old infant addresses himself to the problem 
of extraction for a brief period and may even fuss in a manner that 
suggests that he feels thwarted in his attempt. 

The 28 weeks-old infant shows a somewhat lengthened per- 
sistence, but his efforts at secural and removal are relatively brief. 
Pushing at the block in the hole represents his characteristic 
method of procedure. 

At 32 weeks 61 per cent of the infants successfully remove the 
block from the hole. This constitutes a marked increment over 28 



234 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 33 

weeks, when the proportion of successful removals was only 29 
per cent. How shall we account for these striking increments of 
achievement? The 32 weeks-old infant is, of course, stronger than 
his juniors but the successes are more ascribable to his superior 
technique. He shows not only more persistence but also a better 
perception of the relationship of the block and the board and a 
better direction of control of his hand activity. Even when the 
28 weeks-old infant succeeded in dislodging the block partially 
from the hole, he did not exploit his advantage. The 32 weeks-old 
infant is more ready to follow up partial successes with a complet- 
ing effort. He even brings his thumbs into requisition. It is quite 
possible that his greater success must be attributed to the same 
factors which led to an increase of prehensory successes in the 
pellet situation, 

At this point we may summarize briefly the methods of traction 
used to remove the block. From 32 weeks on the infant resorts 
first to one method and, if not successful, to others. He is not likely 
to confine himself to one method of attack. Ranged in the order of 
developmental maturity, his methods of attack may be listed as 
follows: (a) scratching at the block; (6) outward traction away 
from himself, or pushing; (c) inward traction toward himself, 
or pulling; this traction may be through pressure of the palm or 
thumbs or fingers; (d) picks out the block by lifting and prying; 
(e) grasps the block by spanning the hand over it. 

The pushing method of removal occurs most frequently at 40 
weeks (54 per cent) , Pulling traction occurs with relative frequency 
at a wide range of ages from 32 weeks to 52 weeks. Picking out or 
grasping the block by spanning rarely occurs at 44 weeks but 
mounts to a frequency of 52 per cent at 56 weeks. Although the 
infant's behavior reveals the complexity of the act of extraction, 
he rises at 56 weeks almost to an adult level of technique, if not 
of facility. Partly because of the size of his hand, the infantile 
grasp is relatively pronate, whereas the larger adult hand would 
pretend the block by a digital approach upon its margins. 

It remains to summarize the subsequent manipulation after 
the block has been attained by the infant. This manipulation in 
general resembles the spontaneous activities described in con- 
nection with the presentation of the round block. Although the 
demonstration of insertion and the act -of extraction increase the 
number of insertions of the round block into the hole, there are no 
marked differences in the patterns of activity. Fifty-five per cent 



33 FORMBOARD BEHAVIOR 235 

of the 36 weeks-old infants grasp the block after removal but only 
35 per cent release the block on the forniboard or the table top. 
No combining takes place even after an additional demonstration 
of insertion, and mouthing is prominent. Likewise at 40 weeks, 
the trend of the reactions shows little influence from the demon- 
stration and much of the subsequent manipulation of the block is 
also apparently uninfluenced by the presence of the formboard. 

At 44 weeks, however, there is a well-defined tendency to 
apply the block to the formboard in a relational manner. The 
infant may carry the block to his mouth or to the platform or to 
the side rail rather frequently, but one child in three brings the 
block into one of the holes or into its vicinity. 

At 48 weeks the demonstrational insertion seems to have a 
distinct effect because there is more reference of the block to 
the formboard than during the second phase of the situation with- 
out the benefit of demonstration. The demonstration apparently 
serves to direct the activity toward the region of the hole and 
there is also a striking increment in the frequency of release. 
Half of the children now release the block on the formboard. 

At 52 weeks immediate removal is highly characteristic and 
incipient insertion of the block in the hole is almost equally 
characteristic. The insertion, however, is not necessarily immediate 
but often follows after an interesting refractory period of delay. 
At 56 weeks there was a slight decline in the number of infants 
who, partly because of postural activity, successfully inserted 
the block in the hole. Nevertheless, the adaptation of the 56 weeks- 
old infant to the rotation of the formboard was superior to that 
of the 52 weeks-old infants. 

Normatively we conclude that the age of one year marks the 
threshold of insertion of the round block into the round hole 
after demonstration. Supplemental observations indicate that 
genetically there is a preferential perception for the round con- 
figuration and that a comparable adjustment to the square and 
triangular forms is characteristic of later stages of development, 
which lie between one and two years. In such developmental 
sequences nature "geometrizeth/* in a literal as well as a figurative 
sense* 



236 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



34 



34. BALL PLAY BEHAVIOR 

(40 weeks-56 weeks) 
The Situation 




FIG. 34. Ball behavior: 40 weeks and 56 weeks. 

The examiner removed the table top and with playful social 
approach initiated the game of ball play. The infant was placed 
with his back near the head end of the crib in sitting position, 
legs spread somewhat apart. Then the examiner took position at 
the foot end of the crib and rolled the ball slowly toward the 
infant, suiting words and gestures to the game. If the child secured 
the ball, the examiner encouraged him to return it, stretching out a 
receiving hand across the end of the crib and beckoned the infant 
to roll the ball in that direction. If the infant persisted in holding 
the ball, the examiner gently removed it or caused it to roll out 
of the infant's hand in a manner suggesting responsive release. 
The game was then reinitiated two or three times. 

SITUATION: BALL PLAY (Ba) 



Ba 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


B 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


82 


$6 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

2 

% 


Regards Examiner or Examiner's hand 
Regards Ex. or Ex's, hand, fur. re. delayed 
Retains ball 






















58 
53 

5S 


58 

8 
88 


92 

4 
90 


84 

$ 

98 


86 
5 

14 


4 

5 


Releases ball without defined ref. to Ex.. . . 
Pushes or hits ball on platform. . , . 






















47 

,<?r 


13 

M 


8$ 
00 


35 
10 


as 

14 


fi 


Responds 






















91 


50 


79 


81 


77 


7 


Places ball in Examiner's hand 






















f> 


9f\ 


9f\ 


16 


'9 


8 


Throws or rolls ball . 






















1 


40 


71 


74 


77 


9 
























K 


95 


58 


61 


68 


10 


Throws ball ..'... 






















o 


R 


46 


58 


64 


11 


Definite repetitive ball play 






















o 


4 


18 


'?<) 


5* 





































34 BALL PLAY BEHAVIOR 237 

Stimulus Factors 

The stimulus factors in tlie ball play situation are numerous. 
The situation occurs near the end of the examination. Rapport 
between the child and the examiner is by this time well established. 
The table top is removed and the infant has wide scope for both 
postural and social reactions. The situation is an informal one and is 
vivified by the ball, the most universally intriguing of all toys. 

In analyzing the stimulus factors, we therefore have to reckon 
with the social context of the situation. The situation is not 
extremely different from the pellet and bottle, the cup and 
spoon, and performance box situations, in all of which there is a 
demonstrational episode. The social reciprocity between child 
and examiner is peculiarly close in the ball play situation. The 
play is initiated by the examiner. The child secures the ball as 
it is rolled to him and we observe to what extent he, himself, 
initiates a response. 

The examiner may easily make the error of expecting the game 
to be too complete. After all, our psychological purpose is not to 
institute a game but to determine the manner and degree in 
which the child participates in a situation which combines insight 
and social factors. The five age levels from 40 weeks through 
56 weeks were studied. Although the situation might have been 
profitably used at the earlier age levels, 40 weeks represents a 
transitional period which lies near the threshold of responsive 
capacity, when the game is played with a relative stranger. 

Behavior Trends 

At 40 weeks the child may regard the overtures of the examiner 
and the rolling of the ball somewhat soberly. It is rather character- 
istic for the child to look at the examiner's hand without making a 
subsequent response of referring the ball back to the examiner. 
He is very likely to retain the ball or to release it in an ill-defined 
manner which does not indicate clear responsiveness. He may lift 
the ball, mouth it, wave it, or transfer it; or he may simply hold it 
and the examiner may be under the necessity of extracting the 
ball from the infant's hands in order to reinstitute the game. 
Occasionally the ball may be brushed, hit, or pushed about on 
the platform without grasping, but this again is a localized kind 
of manipulation which is not definitely referred to the examiner. 



38 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 34 

In Its formal essence this behavior is highly comparable to 
the reactions which the infant displays before the mirror and we 
shall note that his mirror play at 40 weeks is likewise at a transi- 
tional level from the standpoint of reciprocal responsiveness. 
But from a developmental standpoint one should not overlook 
the rudiments of reciprocal reaction even at 40 weeks. The child's 
perception is not completely confined to the ball. He has a selective 
interest in the examiner's hand and he probably is beginning in a 
vague way to sense the propulsion of the ball at the moment of 
release. He does not, of course, analyze or verbalize these relation- 
ships and yet his appreciation of them is a prerequisite for his 
later performance. With only a slight access of maturity he will 
be able to perceive and execute the cooperative elements in the 
situation. Not till then will he exhibit a pattern of actual partici- 
pation. Repeated rolling of the ball by the examiner is observed 
by the infant with a receptive attitude, but at 40 weeks this 
stimulating factor yields meager immediate results because the 
infant's make-up is too callow. 

At 44 weeks responsive behavior is somewhat less incipient 
but it is still very rudimentary. No real ball play can be elicited. 
The infant places the ball on the platform and hits or brushes it 
so that it rolls; frequently he vocalizes. He may look regardfully 
in the direction of the examiner and show a pleasurable reaction, 
indicating that on an emotional level at least he is entering into 
the game with enjoyment. One child out of four at the 44 weeks 
age level extends the ball toward the examiner's hand. If any and 
all reactions are reckoned, as many as half of the infants show a 
measure of responsive behavior. Although this behavior shows a 
palpable advance over 40 weeks, it is quite transitional in character, 
when 48 weeks is considered; for at 48 weeks definitely responsive 
behavior occurs in about three-fourths of the infants. 

Typically the 48 weeks infant at some time during the situation 
throws or rolls the ball in such a way that it takes a course toward 
the examiner. His ability to release is better defined and more 
strongly established, but it shows itself somewhat sketchily. 
His reactions of ten are delayed and he may extend the ball to the 
examiner instead of rolling it. The ball play is in no sense con- 
tinuous and has by no means taken on a battledore and shuttle- 
cock character. 

At 5g weeks, however, a cooperative kind of ball play comes into 
full evidence. Three infants out of five definitely throw or roll 



35 MIRROR BEHAVIOR 39 

the ball to the examiner and about one in three repeats the rolling 
in a responsive manner. The infant is somewhat less dependent 
upon the gestures and commands of the examiner. The responsive- 
ness is less sketchy and more continuous then that noted at 
48 weeks. Although no distinctive abilities have appeared, the 
responsive release is more skillful and the total pattern of behavior 
is distinguishable from that at 48 weeks. 

At 56 weeks the cooperative characteristics of the ball play 
are still better defined, the responses of the child are more vigorous, 
and more specialized. The play is more animated and there is a 
true reciprocity in the relationship set up between the examiner 
and child. Moreover, the ball play may be initiated immediately 
in two children out of five. 

The act of throwing also is better defined. Throwing as a motor 
skill is genetically related to release. It is a kinetic kind of release 
which takes on a large variety of patterns. Some children lift the 
ball in a tossing manner, others allow it to roll out of the supinate 
palm, others hurl it. The hurling is at this age often accomplished 
by a downward thrust so that the ball bounces, but we do not gain 
the impression that the infant is deliberately attempting to make 
it bounce. The mechanics of throwing represents an interesting 
problem in the field of developmental kinesiology. 

It is apparent, however, from the foregoing summary that the 
nature of the child's reactions in ball play is not solely dependent 
upon the ability to throw or to bowl the ball. His performance 
depends as much upon perceptual and social abilities, which must 
be correlated as, they mature. Superficially it is difficult to dis- 
tinguish the patterns of ball play at 48, 52, and 56 weeks, but 
genetic analysis indicates clearly that the behavior is subject to 
formative trends which will continue and which will make his 
ball play still more responsive and elaborate in the lunar months 
to come, 

35. MIRROR BEHAVIOR 

(40 weeks-56 weeks) 

The Situation 

At the conclusion of the ball play, the examiner placed the 
infant squarely in front of the curtain which concealed the mirror 
at the end of the crib. While the infant was looking toward the 
curtain,. the examiner raised the curtain with a moderately decisive 



40 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



35 



maneuver, lending support to the child if he tended to lose his 
sitting balance. In this situation the infant was given full postural 
freedom and permitted to stand if he desired. 

Stimulus Factors 

The mirror presents a situation in which the problem of 
stimulus factors becomes bewilderingly complex. The infant 
himself may be bewildered, and surely the psychologist is, if he 
attempts to appraise all the perceptual possibilities involved. 




FIG. 35. Mirror behavior: 44 weeks and 5% weeks. 

From a purely extraneous standpoint, the situation is simple 
and controlled. The infant is seated squarely in front of a curtain 
which conceals a fixed mirror. The mirror fills the whole end panel 
of the crib. The curtain is rolled up with dispatch and the infant 
then beholds what? 

The perceptual responses which may occur at the five age levels 
from 40 to 56 weeks are numerous enough if one hazards to list 
them. The infant may see with apparent mystification the swift 
ascent of the curtain; he may follow the examiner's withdrawing 
hand; he may catch the mirror image of the examiner; he may 
catch his own image in part or whole; he may manipulate the 
mirror as mirror or may in various ways seek contact with his 
self-image. How social, how narcistic, how impersonal, how 
confused, how illusory, how investigatory, or how naive his re- 
sponses are, we cannot really determine and the risks of interpreta- 
tion are numerous because emotional as well as maturity factors 
greatly affect each individual reaction. The situation, however, has 
much interest for the examiner as well as for the child. It comes 
at the end of the examination and creates at least a pseudo-social 



S35 



MIRROR BEHAVIOR 



41 



stimulus which, frequently releases emotional and vocal expression. 
Such expressions contribute to an understanding of the personality 
make-up of the infant. 

The novelty of the experience inevitably varies among any 
group of children. Mirrors at home are usually above the child's 
visual level and many mothers make no effort to bring the child 
before a mirror. Exceptionally one finds a parent who has a 
superstition that mirrors are unlucky and prefers that the mirror 
menace be postponed to later years. 

SITUATION: MIRROR, (M) 



M 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Sober 






















$ff 


0,Q 


OR 


13 


97 


Q 


Smiles . . - ... 






















61 


71 


57 


57 


73 


3 


Vocalizes 






















4S 


43 


30 


57 


55 


4 


"Waves arms 






















00 


W 


17 


13 


<) 


*> 


Brings hands to mirror 






















61 


81 


74 


57 


55 


fi 


Pats mirror ..... ... . . 






















17 


19 


13 


17 


/// 


7 


Approaches image socially 






















13 


43 


SO 


65 


64 


R 


Brings face to mirror . . 






















13 


33 


17 


3ft 


55 





Plays peeka-boo with image. ... 




























4 


17 


<M 


10 


Postural activity 






















17 


9Q 


48 


61 


64 


n 
























9 


14 


9.9, 


30 


fifi 





































Behavior Trends 

With due regard for pitfalls of interpretation, we may risk a 
brief summary of the trends of behavior. These trends show an 
increase in the sociality of the response. It is doubtful whether the 
infant identifies himself in any way with the image. Even at the 
age of 5 years a pair of twin girls made misinterpretations of their 
mirror images. Each considered the image not a self-image, but 
called it by the name of the cotwin. We had also noted that in 
infancy these same twins showed a strange indifference to their 
mirror images. Was this indifference bred by constant familiarity 
with the ever present cotwin? For the singleton (as opposed to the 
true twin) the mirror image is in the nature of a spurious cotwin. 
But it is not necessary to multiply the difficulties of construing 
the mirror situation by introducing twins! 

The trend toward sociality in the mirror responses from 40 to 
56 weeks is suggested by changes in emotional accompaniment 
and by the general patterns of the behavior. At 40 weeks, always 
subject to individual differences, the responses tend to be some- 
what delayed and even restrained and sober. Soberness was noted 



242 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 35 

in two-fifths of the infants, whereas it is much less frequent at 
later age levels. At 56 weeks, on the contrary, social, outgoing 
response to the image is characteristically prompt and prominent. 
The infant seems to be completely deceived and he acts as though 
he were in full social commerce with another child. 

At 40 weeks, however, interest in the mirrored image of the 
examiner is rather conspicuous. In time the infant also regards 
the image of his own face and he also smiles, but his response is 
comparatively sketchy; he gives particular heed to the moving 
images of parts of his body. The situation is not so personalized 
as it appears to be at later ages. 

At 44 weeks, too, he will reach towards the image of his hand, 
but he gazes also at his whole figure which delights him. Three- 
fourths of the children smiled as they looked. Waving of the arms 
was most frequently observed at this age. The infant may regard 
his own image, look up at the examiner, and then back at his own 
image. 

At 48 weeks he may look at the examiner's image and then up at 
the examiner, with some suggestion of perplexity or inquiry. He 
leans forward to the mirror, reaches toward it, and pats or waves, 
but the social nature of his response is not clearly defined, and 
many of his reactions still suggest a perceptual as opposed to a 
personal exploitation. 

At any rate, the social aspects appear more vivid at 5 weeks. 
There is less shift of regard and more preoccupation with the 
self-image, even though postural and locomotor activity is becom- 
ing prominent. One-third of the children pull themselves to a 
standing position, and one child literally tried to walk through the 
mirror. Some would crawl and grope behind the mirror If the crib 
permitted it. Two-thirds of the children now make well-defined 
social approaches such as the following: brings face to mirror, 
mouths mirror, kisses, laughs and talks at image, offers object to 
image, and makes faces. These approaches are not only four times 
more frequent, but much more animated than at 40 weeks. 

At 56 weeks they are still better defined, and a kind of peeka- 
boo game is self-initiated by one child out of four. Active patting 
of the mirror also attains its maximum frequency. Over half the 
infants now bring the face against the mirror while mere waving 
of the arms is very infrequent. Vocalization occurs in over half 
of the infants both at 5& weeks and at 56 weeks. Whether the 
peeka-boo game in which the infant apparently plays with his own 



36 LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 243 

image is a form of insight or of social reciprocity it would be dif- 
ficult to demonstrate. All insight is psychologically a sort of 
look-and-see process by which we initiate a reaction, but only 
after we have first caught it on a reflective surface. When the 
reflective surface is bright, the insight is sharp and clear; when 
the surface is dull, insight resembles groping. There are develop- 
mental gradations in the alertness with which the infant pursues 
and interprets the moving image of his mirrored self. 

36. LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR, 

(4 weeks-56 weeks) 

Introductory Note 

In spite of voluminous literature on the subject of children's 
speech, the ontogenesis of language in the first year of life has 
had relatively little systematic attention. A strictly objective study 
of language behavior presents many difficulties and has numerous 
limitations. In the present investigations we have not undertaken 
to surmount these difficulties. Our data have been necessarily 
based on incidental observations and reports gained through 
individual interviews. Because of inevitable variabilities, the 
percentages derived by these methods must be regarded purely as 
suggestive and usually as understatements. The figures, however, 
reveal trends which, in connection with the associated data, are 
sufficiently significant to be summarized with comment. 

This comment will perhaps serve to indicate that in spite of 
complexities and special methodological difficulties, language does 
not present unique developmental phenomena. The genetic prob- 
lems of language may be approached by objective, normative 
procedures, comparable to those which we have used in the analytic 
study of prehension and other tangible patterns of behavior. 

In the present discussion, we shall use the term "language" in 
its broadest sense as including any means of expressing or com- 
municating feeling and thought. Language, therefore, includes 
not only articulate and vocal utterances but any gestures or at- 
titudes which have a characteristic, expressional significance. 
By using the term language as an adjective in association with 
the broad term behavior, we widen still further the scope of the 
category and make it embrace all forms of auditory and visual 
responsiveness which are developmentally related to the total, 
observable field of language as expression. This will tend to make 



244 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 36 

certain areas of language behavior merge into areas of perceptual 
and social behavior, but this is genetically to be expected. It is 
undesirable to think of speech or language as the end product of 
some instinctive function which undergoes elaboration. On the 
contrary, language has an extensive matrix within which fixed 
modes of expressing meaning take form through specific adapta- 
tion to affective conditions and social needs. Although this widen- 
ing of the domain of language behavior increases the number of 
data which demand consideration, it is possible that such a widen- 
ing of approach may clarify the developmental mechanisms at 
work and may divest language of some of its claims as a unique 
function. 

The Situations 

During the ordinary course of the examination, the examiner 
dictated his observations to a stenographer behind a one-way 
vision screen. This procedure in itself introduced language into 
the total situations. As already noted, such spoken narrative 
generally served to make the child feel more at home. 

The examiner occasionally also directed a few words toward 
the child somewhat informally as an incident to the presenta- 
tion of the materials, not assuming that the child paid heed to 
the words except perhaps as a token of friendliness. In infancy 
even uncomprehended words serve a purpose of social communica- 
tion. We did not, however, regard it as good examination procedure 
to talk frequently and abundantly to the infant. The infant 
gathers reassurance from the examiner's face and from the total 
atmosphere of the examination perhaps even more than from the 
voice. 

In addition to the informal and incidental speech just men- 
tioned, which varied naturally with the age and personality of 
the infant, a few formal language situations were instated. At a 
favorable transitional moment, while the infant was holding some 
object like the ball, a definite verbal command was once, twice, 
or thrice directed toward him. The examiner said: "Give it to me," 
holding out a receptive hand. If the response was ambiguous or 
negative, a similar command was repeated on another similar 
occasion. The cube, the ball, and the tri-colored rings were used 
most frequently for this situation, which was limited to ages from 
40 through 56 weeks. 



36 LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 245 

At 48, 5 and 56 weeks, a cup was placed before the Infant 
at the farther right-hand corner, a box at the left-hand corner, 
and a shoe transversely across the median line. All three objects 
were ranged along the farther margin of the table top. Taking a 
position at the foot of the crib, the examiner said in order, " Where 
is the box? Where is the cup? Where is the shoe?" The question 
was repeated and " comprehension' * was determined by the child's 
discriminative ocular fixation. The objects were interchanged to 
check on the consistency of response. 

At the age levels from 4 to 4 weeks, hearing responses were 
observed by means of the bell ringing situation. The examiner 
took the small bell in one hand and a silenced (clapperless) bell 
of identical appearance in the other hand and then brought both 
bells as inconspicuously as possible within four inches of the 
corresponding ear of the supine infant. Both bells were then 
briefly and mildly shaken. The child's head turning and other 
reactions were noted. The bells were exchanged to repeat and to 
check on the observations. 

During the course of the examination and particularly in the 
supine situation at the younger age levels, spontaneous vocali- 
zations and smiling were noted and recorded. Facial brightening 
in social approach and in the postural situations was also noted. 

Stimulus Factors 

A consideration of stimulus factors plunges us at once into the 
heart of the psychological issues of the language problem. A 
critical definition of these factors would raise crucial questions 
concerning the genesis of language. Genetically it is impossible 
to confine any analysis of factors to the field of verbalization, for 
verbalization is preceded by syllabification, vocalization, and 
respiration, to say nothing of the whole complex of autonomic 
systems, which determine the affective life, which in turn deter- 
mines the earliest language phenomena. For example, it is impos- 
sible to exclude crying from consideration. Although crying is a 
very primitive function and one which is in a measure shared with 
lower animals, the human cry very early undergoes differentiations 
which bring the act within the category of language. Rather 
early, too, the cry transforms itself into a wail with phonetic 
inflections and modulations which bring this primitive act still 
closer to the realm of speech. The most fundamental stimulus 
factors, as far as they may be given separate analytic status, are 



S46 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 36 

affective and concern the current physiological state of being. 
The infant cries and laughs as an outcome of these bodily condi- 
tions which are rooted in his physiological mechanisms both above 
and below the diaphragm. 

These mechanisms of laughing and crying basically involve 
digestion and alimentation. Such language responses are mediated 
by the oldest portions of the nervous system, the sympathetic 
and autonomic. The overt language responses are simple in the 
sense that they express pleasure and pain with movements that 
are relatively stereotyped. But the mere enumeration of the 
diverse situations which will provoke smiling in an infant would 
disclose a prodigious complexity of stimulus factors ranging from 
tickling and patty-cake to playful surprise and social tenderness. 

Affective factors probably always play a primary role as 
stimulus factors. The affective states at first may be relatively 
massive and undefined but with age these states take on a social 
reference so that the stimulus factors seem to move into the 
external social world. If the infant remained at a primitive vegeta- 
tive level, his expressional behavior would be confined to crying, 
snarling, smiling, laughing categories. But as he matures, his 
sensorimotor apparatus undergoes elaboration which introduces 
new stimulus factors. His growing capacities in postural and 
perceptual fields make him increasingly sensitive to bodily attitude 
and gesticulations in his social environment; even if he is born 
a deaf-mute, he comes into a significant degree of social com- 
munication with this environment. He communicates through 
gesture and he understands the gestures of others. Gesture, which 
is a form of posture, lies at the root of all language. Normally, 
however, the visual-motor signs of gesture occur in close associa- 
tion with auditory-motor signs which operate as stimulus factors 
in the genesis of language. 

Just as the infant deploys his eyes and hands in progressively 
changing patterns of reaction, so also he deploys the maturing 
motor systems which involve his larynx and the associated mus- 
culature of the mouth. From the standpoint of developmental 
neurology, there is no mysterious difference in the aural and oral 
reaction patterns, on the one hand, and the visual-manual patterns, 
on the other hand. Just as in the manipulation of the cubes the 
infant perceives what he does, so in the babblings of spontaneous 
vocalization he comes to hear what he does. This hearing becomes 
a powerful stimulus factor which may even operate on the principle 



36 LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 247 

of the echo and lead to repetitive activity. He thus identifies what 
he hears. But the endogenous stimulus factors in this vocal play 
are very deep seated. For example, even when he is in the throes 
of a vigorous crying squall, he may abruptly stop his crying to 
engage in a pleasurable exercise of some newly acquired form of 
vocalization. Thus a sputtering vocalization can amusingly 
interrupt a primitive flow of fussing. 

The relationship of nutritional oral patterns to vocalization 
constitutes an interesting genetic problem. It is possible that 
reactions associated with feeding are somewhat identified or 
confused with language reactions and that in their early stages 
mouthing, biting, and babbling are developmentally not unrelated. 
Auditory stimulus factors are probably not sharply differentiated 
from tactile satisfactions and other forms of internal, organic 
perception. The exact nature of the young infant*s auditory 
experience is, of course, concealed to us but there is evidence that 
he acquires auditory localization only very gradually. With such 
localization, a sound becomes associated with objects and with 
agents in his external environment. Even before the end of the 
first year he seems to definitely imitate these sounds. In essence, 
this act of imitation is like the responsiveness which he manifests 
to sounds of his own production. 

But as we have seen in the discussion of other behavior situa- 
tions, imitation does not operate as a circumscribed all-or-none 
function. Responsiveness to observed demonstrations undergoes 
gradual elaboration with age. In the visual-manual field the infant 
acquires imitative insight very slowly, and only after progressive 
approximations does he finally reduplicate models. He exhibits 
the same limitations in the field of language, and his vocalizations 
remain in keeping with the imitative capacities that he manifests 
in nonlanguage behavior situations. To be sure there are individual 
differences in talent and articulational adeptness, but we are now 
stressing the general growth similarities. 

Consider for example the account of the development of 
responsiveness to demonstration in the paper and crayon situation. 
This account with relatively slight alterations could be safely 
transposed to outline the generic lines of development which apply 
to the acquisition of infantile language. As stimulus factors, 
sounds, words, and even social relations are genetically comparable 
to things, and the infant attains mastery of these insubstantial 



248 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 36 

realities in the same way in which he achieves adjustment to 
cubes and crayon. Since the elaboration of language is dependent 
upon basic behavior capacities, the stimulus factors in language 
change progressively with the maturity of the infant. The capaci- 
ties of comprehension probably are closely correlated with the 
general level of maturity. Since language, however, is so deeply 
rooted even at its more sophisticated levels in the affective life 
of the infant, it is probable that personality factors assert them- 
selves more strongly here than in almost any other field of be- 
havior. It must therefore be assumed that the personality make-up 
and the current mood of the infant greatly influence the language 
output at any given time. 

Such personality and mood differences asserted themselves 
in the normative examinations. The language behavior of the 
infants varied within wider limits than other forms of behavior, 
particularly at the older age levels. Far from being inhibited, 
infants at the younger age levels were often stimulated by condi- 
tions of the normative examination. Such infants would babble 
for periods or intermittently throughout the examination. Older 
infants, silent in the beginning, often became vocal toward the 
end of the examination. It was also found that certain situations 
like the mirror and the cup and spoon situations provoked vocali- 
zation with special frequency. 

The Developmental Patterning of Language Behavior 

Language behavior in its development reflects several ascend- 
ing levels of maturity: primitive vocalization, phonetic syllabifica- 
tion, perceptive and expressive identification of gestures and of 
vocal signs with situations and objects, articulate naming of these 
situations and objects, self-initiated manipulatory use of names 
or words. So complex is the genesis of language that in the first 
year of life words remain in a presophisticated stage. 

In the most primitive vocal stage expression is accomplished 
chiefly through the respiratory mechanisms. But even in the 
neonatal weeks the larynx comes into rudimentary function as a 
molder and modulator of sounds. The very young infant produces 
feeble vocalizations of an ah, eh, or uh character. These vocaliza- 
tions become more vigorous and decisive with the maturation 
of the neuromotor structures so that almost one-half of the 4 and 



36 



LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 



249 



SITUATION: BELL RINGING (Br) 



Br 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Postural activity ceases ... 


{/> 


3Q 


oq 


o<t 


00 


S7 


0*5 


















9, 


Postural activity diminishes 


71 


71 


<>1 


45 


4S 


87 


05 


















8 


Starts or blinks ... 


7 


18 


01 


14 


Q 


17 


n 


















4 


Regards Examiner. , 


7 


14 


}9 


f? 


tf'r 


17 


IK 


















5 


Turns head 


10 


7 


05 


q 


<W 


67 


fi*> 


















6 


Turns head to bell 


7 


7 


IS 


o 


07 


-1,7 


79 





















































SITUATION: GIVE IT TO ME (G) 



G 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Does not respond. 






















50 


91 


04 


11 


15 


2 
^ 


Regards Examiner or Examiner's hand 
Extends object to Examiner 






















43 
50 



79 


19 
7ft 


4 
85 


20 

45 


4 


Releases object 






















0ft 


53 


71 


77 


75 


f> 


Places object in Examiner's hand 






















9,0 


01 


,W 


IP 


10 


f? 


Releases object in Examiner's hand 






















7 


17 


43 


63 


80 


7 


Releases object but not to Examiner 































7 


25 



SITUATION: Cup-SnoE-Box (C-S-B) 



C-S-B 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

2 


Reqponds to "shoe" 


























14 
90 


37 
70 


57 
71 


Disregards "box" 




SITUATION: VOCALIZATION (v) 


V 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


3 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 


Fii 
Cl 
Sn 
La 
N 
V< 
V< 

c< 
Bl 

G 

V 

v 

T 
M 

M 
M 
M 
Si 
Bt 
S 
Si 
Si 


ice brightens . . . . 


40 

22 

46 
84 
40 





68 

65 

31 
72 
96 
3 




36 
96 

7 
21 
3 
82 

42 
3 
10 


42 
100 
31 
15 
4 
96 
88 
42 
42 


24 
100 
88 
28 
4 
67 
76 

44 
56 

5 
14 

5 

9 
100 


7 
1.1 
11 
7 
11 

4 
100 


7 
26 
7 

26 
7 
15 
100 





18 
48 
25 
21 
4$ 
7 
14 
93 
7 
4 


69 

47 
66 
66 

47 

16 
88 



64 
51 
70 
64 
58 

24 
79 

c 


63 
60 
80 
69 
63 
14 
32 
66 
34 

c 





62 
52 
83 
62 
55 
35 
41 
31 
69 
28 
10 


69 
60 
86 
88 
60 
46 
32 
23 
77 
34 
26 
9 


67 
64 
79 
67 
64 
48 
57 
12 
88 
67 
40 
26 


59 
64 
91 
73 
64 
64 
64 
5 
95 
86 
68 
$6 


luckles 


ailes . . . 


ughs . 


o vocalisation heard . ... .... 


)calis5cs small throaty noises. 


3calizes ah-uh-eh 


)QS , 


ows bubbles 


urgles 


scali^es da 


realizes ma or mu . ..... 


wo syL, 2nd rep. first, ma-ma, ba-ba, etc. 
^akes **d." sound * 


ak<?s **m" sound . . 


akcvs **<}" sound (at end of word) 


akcs **b " sound . . 


tys no **word" . . . .... . , 


iy*} one "word" or more . . . 


iys two "words"* or more 


iys three "words " or more. .... 


iys four ** words'* or more . . 





250 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 36 

6 weeks-old normative infants were actually overheard to make 
small throaty sounds. At 8 weeks 42 per cent of the infants were 
observed or reported to coo. This cooing is a more elaborated 
and sustained form of vocalization, in which the vowels become 
more robust and consonants begin to figure. Such cooing is prom- 
inent at 12 weeks and at 10 weeks. Three-fourths or more of the 
infants at these ages were credited with cooing sounds. Gurgling, 
blowing bubbles, and chuckling are developmentally somewhat 
more advanced than cooing, and they occur with normative or 
near normative frequency at 12 weeks and at 16 weeks. Chuckling 
is more common at 1 weeks (42 per cent) than at 16 weeks 
(24 per cent). Chuckling may be roughly defined as a rudimentary 
or nascent laugh. Discerning mothers distinguish it from true 
laughing. Well-defined laughter occurs in nearly all children at 
the age of 16 weeks and was reported in one out of three children 
at 12 weeks. It is noteworthy that the chuckle was relatively 
characteristic at 12 weeks but not at 16 weeks, and that laughing 
became highly characteristic at the latter age, reaching a fre- 
quency of 88 per cent. 

Not reckoning crying and laughter, vocalizations were heard 
in the course of observation in well over a majority of the infants 
at all age levels, with perhaps the least frequency at 4 weeks. 
At that age no vocalizations were noted in 45 per cent of the 
infants; but at 12 weeks they were noted in 85 per cent of the 
cases observed and at 16 weeks mothers report that the infant 
,V talks to 'himself.' 51 

4 The most primitive phonetic utterances are small throaty 
sounds which are very characteristic of 4 and 6 weeks-old infants. 
Utterance is almost too strong a word, for the sounds are soft and 
submerged. They drop out soon and are rare even at 8 weeks. They 
are replaced by a soft aspirant ah, uh, or eh. The voice is low pitched 
and typically the syllable is short and uttered only once, but 
sometimes it is repeated several times and even drawled. That 
even an 8 weeks-old infant can drawl testifies to the burgeoning 
character of language behavior! 

At 12 weeks the infant has already acquired a considerable 
repertoire of vocalizations. He blows with his lips, he makes 
gurgling guh-grr sounds with his soft palate and the base of the 
tongue. The newly acquired mobility of the posterior tongue 
(acquired through developmental individuation) introduces new 
patterns and problems in his feeding as well as in his phonetics. 



36 LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 251 

In the early phonetic stages the vowels are favored and con- 
sonantal values are not so well defined, but consonantal sounds 
come in with amazing rapidity and his larynx originates sounds 
which he will not even be called upon to use in later life. The 
diversity of vocalization is considerable and it is suggested that 
by 8 weeks or earlier an infant may be capable of making all 
o the sounds of the vernacular. 

The amount of time devoted to vocalizing activity varies, of 
course, with age, with maturity, and with personality factors. 
We have reported elsewhere a complete 24 hour record of the 
vocalizations of an infant six months of age.* The language be- 
havior chart for this 24 hour day showed 104 separate moments 
of vocalization varying from a one-letter sound to a single syllable 
repeated 32 times. Seventy-five different sounds and combinations 
of sounds were observed. 

Our normative data indicate that the syllables ma and mu 
occurred in almost half the infants at the age of 28 weeks. This 
is probably an understatement. The syllable da was reported in 
only 18 per cent of the cases at 28 weeks, but in approximately 
60 per cent or more of the cases at 32 weeks and at subsequent 
age levels. A well-defined e sound was reported in almost half 
the infants at 48 weeks and at 52 weeks and in two-thirds of the 
infants at 56 weeks. Fifty-seven per cent at 52 weeks and 62 per 
cent at 56 weeks were credited with a b sound. These figures, 
although doubtless understatements, suggest at least the sounds 
which have prominence in the intimate observation of the mothers. 
It is not without significance that virtually no mother reported 
the utterance of a word by the infant during the age periods prior 
to 32 weeks. 

One word, exclusive of dada or mama., was reported or observed 
in from 70 to 95 per cent of the infants from 44 weeks to 56 weeks. 
Sixty-seven per cent of the children at 52 weeks and 86 per cent 
at 56 weeks uttered two words, 68 per cent at 56 weeks uttered 
three words, and only 36 per cent at 56 weeks uttered four words. 
Incidentally it may be noted that these averages fall below the 
vocabularies reported in the literature. Waddle found that the 
year-old vocabulary was from three to 24 words with an average of 
nearly nine words, but his calculation was heavily weighted with 
cases from professional and higher socio-economic levels. Miss 

* GESELL, ARNOLD, The Mental Growth of the Preschool Child, New York: Macmillan, 
5, 447pp. 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 36 

Shinn's famous niece had used actually only five words at the age 
of 1 year, but Miss Shinn was of the opinion that this niece com- 
prehended 84 words, all securely associated with ideas, and that 
she knew words for 51 people and things and 28 action words. 

At this point it may be well to indicate briefly the course of 
development in the comprehension aspects of language. Since 
comprehension is dependent upon perception, the first formative 
stages must be sought at early ages. Comprehension is indeed a 
form of perception. 

The anticipatory reactions of the supine infant in feeding and 
other child care situations fall genetically in the lower categories 
of comprehension. He betrays expectancies in the presence of 
certain sights (activities and attitudes) or certain sounds. When 
these expectancies express themselves in adaptive movements, 
the infant has already begun (in his way) to comprehend. He 
reaches full comprehension when his capacity to adapt is perfected 
or complete. 

A simple bell ringing test was made while the normative sub- 
jects were in the supine position. A muted and a functioning bell 
were simultaneously rung near the ears. This test showed that 
nearly half of the 4 weeks-old infants (45 per cent) ceased postural 
activity on the sounding of the bell. Nearly three-fourths of them 
(71 per cent) showed a reduction of activity both at 4 weeks and 
at 6 weeks. At early ages mere listening to a simple repeated sound 
requires suppression of general body activity. When auditory 
perception is more fully differentiated, auditory responsiveness 
occurs without reduction of accompanying bodily activity. We 
therefore find that at the age of 24 weeks only one child out of four 
exhibited cessation or diminution of postural activity on the 
ringing of the bell and yet these infants doubtless heard the bell. 
At 8 weeks one child in five responded with a blank or a mildly 
startled reaction. At 8 and 12 weeks two children out of five defi- 
nitely fixated on the examiner when the bell was rung. The limita- 
tions of head turning in the first quarter of the first year have 
already been noted. At 16 weeks two-fifths of the children, at 20 
weeks two-thirds, and at 24 weeks nine-tenths of the children 
responded with some head turning movement in the bell situation. 
At 20 weeks about one-half and at 24 weeks 80 per cent turned 
adaptively to the bell which was rung. These figures give a crude 
indication of the limitations of auditory localization in the first 
half of the first year of life. The infant has many difficult problems 



36 LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR . 253 

of auditory orientation which he must solve as a prerequisite for 
linguistic comprehension. In the discussion of stimulus factors 
we have already indicated that he must also achieve a differentia- 
tion between the sound of his own voice and that of other persons. 

Comprehension of the postural attitudes, movements, and 
gesticulations of other persons is also prerequisite to word com- 
prehension. Rudimentary recognition and comprehension begin 
early. The perceptual identification of the mother's face which 
hovers over him, the increasing pereeptiveness of the variations 
in facial expression of the maternal countenance, the perception 
of body attitudes of leaning and aversion, and the numerous 
attitudes of approach and withdrawal, lay the basis for the infant's 
affective and cognitive social behavior. This behavior precedes 
linguistic comprehension and is never completely dissociated from 
the latter. 

As already indicated, the complex world of social attitudes 
expressed by motor signs is comprehended even by the deaf-mute 
infant. The hearing infant, however, perceives this world of ges- 
tures in close association with vocal accompaniments. Long 
before he can have any articulate perception of words he hears 
their repeated utterance in situations of feeding, bathing, social 
approval and disapproval, and so forth. Concurrently he is exer- 
cising his own phonetic repertoire and the sounds which he makes 
come to have some crude parallelism with the sounds that he 
hears. The sounds that he makes furnish the basis for the identifica- 
tion of sounds which arise in the external world, just as the move- 
ments which he makes furnish the basis for the movements which 
he may sometime duplicate by deliberate imitation. But he com- 
prehends movements before he comprehends words and we may 
suppose that in their nascent stages the word-sounds are closely 
bound up with a system of motor predispositions or anticipations. 
The words do not have a distinct and mobile status in his mental 
life. They are moored in his postural and manipulatory reaction 
system. Accordingly he comprehends many words before he mas- 
ters their utterance and, even after he learns to speak them, it 
may be years before the words attain a high degree of detached 
autonomy in his thinking. 

Because the infant in the first year of life lives so completely 
in a world of visual-motor comprehension, it is possible to conduct 
virtually all of the normative examination without uttering a word. 
The examiner uses words and sentences to impart a social aura 



254 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 36 

to the whole procedure, for the sounding of the words, even though 
meaningless, serves to socialize the situation for both infant and 
adult. But the words themselves are needless. 
/ At 40 weeks of age and later, a few verbal commands were 
included in the examination to throw light on the infant's compre- 
hension. When the child was holding a cube or a ball, the examiner 
held out a receptive hand and said, "Give it to me' 5 repeatedly. 
-At 40 weeks half of the children did not respond to this situation, 
or they simply regarded the examiner or the examiner's hand. At 
56 weeks only 15 per cent failed to respond, but probably not 
because of lack of comprehension. At 40 weeks half of the infants 
regarded the examiner or the examiner's hand; an equal number 
extended the object to the examiner. At 52 weeks 85 per cent of 
the infants extended the object to the examiner. Again at 56 weeks 
only 45 per cent extended the object, but a strengthened retention 
of the object also indicated deepened comprehension or wariness. 

At 40 weeks less than one-third of the children proffered and 
released the object when the examiner took hold of it. This per- 
centage rose to 53 at 44 weeks and to 75 at 56 weeks. Although 
these responses are affected by personality factors, the trend in 
percentages is partly due to the mechanical difficulties of release 
itself. At 48 weeks 6 per cent of the infants placed the object 
in the examiner's open hand. At 5 weeks an equal number re- 
leased the object in the examiner's hand. These figures indicate 
primarily a responsiveness to, a gesture in a social situation. To 
what extent the command as command was influential in deter- 
mining the response we can only conjecture. Words in a certain 
sense were superfluous for most of these children. But there 
gradually comes a time when the words are not superfluous. 
The oft-repeated hearing of "Give it to me" in comparable 
situations leads finally to a comprehension of the sentence and, 
in due season, of each individual word. Throughout the first year of 
life, however, the infant lingers at the sentence and phrase stage 
and has very slight mastery of individual words as tools. 

An additional normative situation throws some light on the 
infant's word responsiveness. A cup, a shoe, and a box, widely 
spaced, were placed along the further margin of the table top. 
The examiner repeatedly asked, "Where is the cup?" "Where 
is the shoe?" "Where is the box?" Only 14 per cent of the infants 
at 48 weeks reacted responsively by looking in the proper direction 
when the word shoe was pronounced. This percentage rises to 



36 LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 255 

37 at 52 weeks and 57 at 56 weeks. The word box was disregarded 
by 90 per cent at 48 weeks and by approximately 70 per cent at 
52 weeks and at 56 weeks. This simple word comprehension test 
furnishes indicative data. In a normative sense specific compre- 
hension of the spoken word shoe is characteristic of the 56 weeks-old 
child. He is not responsive to the word box even when cup and shoe 
are the only alternatives in a multiple choice situation. 

The one-year-old infant reacts to a wide range of words but 
these words are cues to situations; they have very meager psycho- 
logical independence. This is true in a measure even of the words 
which the child himself articulates. Their very articulation is 
dependent upon a total situation and often cannot be elicited by 
the adult's repetition of the word. A child may wave "bye-bye" 
or say "bye-bye" to his father, but at a certain stage of develop- 
ment he may not be able to demonstrate either ability in relation 
to some other person; the ability is highly specific. 

The words which an infant articulates are determined (1) 
by his phonetic capacity, (2) by the emotional and social values 
of the situation, (3) and by the socialized premium which is 
placed upon the utterance through circumstances or family 
conspiracy. For this reason the most common " words " are dada 
and mama. Kiki (kitty) is another word which has been found with 
frequency as early as 36 weeks. The capacity to make the Tc sound 
explains the appearance of the "word" car as early as 40 weeks. 

We have listed all of the words, exclusive of mama and dada 
unless these words have been definitely specified as being equiva- 
lent to mother and father and find that the diversity of words 
increases steadily from 28 weeks of age to 52 weeks of age. Listing 
all of the words reported for the entire normative group, three 
different words were found at 32 weeks, six at 40 weeks, 17 at 
44 weeks, 42 at 48 weeks, and 109 at 52 weeks. It should be 
mentioned that the larger number of infants examined at 52 weeks 
tended to swell the number assigned to that age. 

Classifying the words found at 52 weeks, they fall with ascend- 
ing frequency into the following groups: (1) things to eat, (2) 
qualities of objects, (3) activities or relationships, (4) inanimate 
objects, (5) persons, (6) exclamations to attract attention, (7) 
relating to self, (8) animals, (9) interjections, and (10) social 
intercourse. 

In summary, five stages in the development of spoken language 
may be distinguished as follows: (1) primitive vocalization, (2) 



256 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 36 

double-syllable vocalization, (3) the vocal sign, (4) the designatory 
name, (5) the instrumental name. If the infant remained arrested 
at the lowest level of vocalization he would be virtually inarticu- 
late. His needs, great and small, unimportant and dire, would be 
expressed in cries and grunts. However, his crying soon becomes 
modulated by syllabic variations and overtones which lead to 
numerous differentiations. The cry may even become a jargonized 
wail and the jargon in this wail constitutes a matrix out of which 
still more precise articulations or babblings will emerge. The 
babblings are very diverse, almost superabundant; some prove 
transient. 

In the second stage of development, certain phonetic values 
become better defined as patterns are reinforced by the method 
of doubled articulation. The individual throaty sound is now 
replaced by a double phrase like dada, baba, mama. 

In the third stage the vocalization becomes a true vocal sign 
expressive of the child's attitude or of an elementary association 
which he makes with a complex social situation. By this vocal 
sign, even though it may be a monosyllable or a disyllable, he 
expresses in his only partially articulate way a whole sentence or 
even paragraph. The vocal sign is an indicator of a total situation 
or a state of being. 

At a later stage the vocal sign becomes more specific and slightly 
more under control. It becomes a designation which the infant 
definitely applies to a central object or to a salient aspect of a 
situation. To be sure, the infant may generalize the name and may 
apply the designation to a large range of objects or persons, but 
beneath this diversity there is a common social or emotional 
value which makes his utterance a true designation. The utterance, 
however, does not have much independent status and the infant 
does not utilize it freely at will. It is an utterance which arises 
when the psychological situation is appropriately set. 

In the fifth stage, however, this designation becomes a name in 
the instrumental sense. The word becomes sufficiently detached 
from the total situation so that it has to some extent a self-sub- 
sisting psychological status. The child comes at last into partial 
command of the word as a tool. The qualification partial is neces- 
sary because careful studies have shown that a sophisticated, 
conceptual mastery of words is an attainment which is scarcely 
reached within the early years of childhood. 



37 SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC BEHAVIOR 257 

When the language behavior of the infant is considered in its 
natural settings, it proves to be an extremely complicated process, 
but not entirely unique. There are developmental modalities in 
language behavior which are similar to those displayed in the 
manipulation of the physical world. Many interpretations of 
infantile language miss the mark because they are colored by 
adult concepts of mature speech. Gentically, articulate language 
cannot be understood except through a careful study of non- 
verbalized behavior. Words are rooted in such behavior. 

37. SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC BEHAVIOR 

(4 weeks-56 weeks) 

Under this heading we propose to consider very briefly the 
behavior characteristics of the infant as expressed in (a) his 
reactions to persons, (6) his responsiveness to gesture and speech, 
and (c) learnings and habituations which arise out of his home 
life. These subjects are vast in their implications and we do not 
assume that the procedures of the normative investigation were 
sufficient to do them justice. Indeed, we made no specific and 
direct attack upon the social and personality aspects of the infant's 
psychology, partly because these aspects are so ubiquitous that 
they are present in some degree in all behavior situations. The 
development of social and personality factors in the individual 
can be investigated only by biogenetic methods, and in later 
publications it is hoped to present biogenetic data based on 
consecutive studies of the same child. For the present we limit 
ourselves to suggestive normative data derived from an objective 
study of behavior patterns. 

It might be contended that social and personality character- 
istics cannot be adequately explored by normative methods, that 
these characteristics are too closely identified with emotional 
and individual motivational factors to yield to the same treatment 
that we apply to impersonal phenomena like posture and pre- 
hension. The contention is sound to a degree, for we shall never 
truly know the inner, personal life of the infant until we can get 
out of our own subjectivity into his. We can do this now through 
speculation, but with no scientific validation. The hazards of such 
speculation are numerous. We cannot even answer conclusively 
the primary question, Is the infant's affective life essentially 
like our own? 



258 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 



37 



SITUATION: SOCIAL BEHAVIOR (so) 



so 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 

3 
4 
5 
6 

7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 


Responds to smiling and talking 


8 
12 
3 


100 



62 
69 

21 
3 
3 
100 



63 

74 

39 
4 
26 
100 



81 

35 
42 
100 



92 
56 
50 
80 

19 










100 

61 

8 
8 
3 





6 


52 

24 
12 
3 




3 
6 


59 

16 
16 
3 
3 
3 


6 



41 

47 
47 
13 
22 
25 
6 
9 
19 
9 


39 

4* 
68 

35 

23 
23 
7 
16 
23 
13 


39 
19 
75 
53 

31 

28 
8 
14 
25 
11 


26 

48 
94 
65 
55 

45 
26 
26 
42 
13 


18 
44 
82 
38 
56 
44 
18 
27 
27 
9 


18 
30 
89 
59 
73 
52 
34 
53 
50 
25 


14 
9 
73 

27 
50 

23 

50 

9 
9 


Visually pursues moving person 


Knows mother 


Sobers at strangers 


Turns Head on sound of voice 


Accepts strangers . . . . 


Withdraws from strangers. 
Adjusts to words 


Responds to "bye-bye" 


Adjusts to commands 


Responds to inhibitory words 


Responds to "So big" 
Elicits attention 


Plays pat-a~cake 


Plays peeka-boo 





SITUATION": PERSONAL BEHAVIOR (per) 



per 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Regards hand. 


n 


8 


1*> 


73 


80 






















9. 


Brings hands together 





o 


7 


40 


7? 






















8 


Hands active in mutual fingering 





o 


4 


0^ 


5? 






















4 


Pulls at dress , . 


ft 


7 


00 


7^ 


M 






















K 


Pulls dress over face .... 


4 





4 


SI 


R? 






















6 


Kicks off blankets 


S<? 


R9 


85 


























7 


Kicks in bath. 


4 


04 


4*> 


69 


80 






















8 


Likes sitting. . . 


o 


o 


9 


50 


57 






















9 


Sits propped with pillows 





o 


4 


1 


fit 






















10 


Resents supine 


o 


o 


^ 


1 *i 


*W 






















n 


Anticipates feeding on sight of food 


o 


o 


7 


40 


68 

























































SITUATION: PLAY OPPORTUNITIES (pi) 



pi 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Is held 


1^ 


3$ 


3S 


j.<y 

























2 


Plays in crib 


100 


80 


R? 


60 


50 


40 


21 


35 


85 


21 


26 










3 


Plays in carriage 


o 


0<} 


46 


*?8 


50 


67 


84 


to 


to 


39 


35 


2 Ft 








4 


Plays in crib or carriage 


100 


96 


88 


91 


90 


80 


63 


69 


78 


55 


61 


42 


q-i 






5 


Plays in high chair 


o 


o 





o 


fi 


1j 


16 


52 


2 


28 


30 


31 


OQ 






6 


Plays in high chair or swing. 


o 





o 


18 


6 


20 


16 


61 


6 


31 












7 


Plays in pen 


o 


o 





o 











4 





10 


i *i 










8 


Plays on floor 





o 


o 





o 





16 


4 


26 


23 


26 










9 


Plays on, floor or in pen 








o 


o 








16 


9 


26 


34 


S9 


en 


KO 






10 


Plays in Taylortot or kiddy car 





o 





o 














4 


o 


i ^ 


i 


<?/ 






11 
U 


Plays on floor or in pen or kiddy car 
Plays with paper . 
















o 




5 


16 

$26 


9 

8 


30 


36 


52 


88 


79 


65 


91 


18 


Plays with spoon . . . 













18 


7 


15 


/ / 


Ql 












14 


Plays with clothespin 













4 


15 


12 


44 

&Q 















15 


Has rattle . 





3 


11 


29 


66 


93 


1OA 


CO 


Kn 














16 


Has doll or toy animal 


o 











10 


36 


70 


BO 


170 


A*> 








18 




17 


Has one toy. 





3 


11 


31 


75 


100 


100 












64 




70 


18 


Has only one toy 


o 


*J 


11 


27 


63 


29 


A 


















19 


Has two or more toys. 








o 


4 


13 


71 


100 


















20 


Has three or more toys 








o 








46 


74 





















































37 SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC BEHAVIOR 259 



SITUATION: FEEDING HABITS (f) 






Bella vior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Has night feeding. ... 


91 


90 


94 


89 


80 


67 


69 


65 


}Q 


57 


41 


33 


17 


18 


9 


9, 


Has no night feeding 


7 


7 


7 


11 





31 


18 


os 


'r*? 


43 


"55 


60 


8*? 


79 


86 


3 


Has two night feedings or more 


65 


38 


40 


35 


o 


10 


16 


OS 


4 


o 


3 


7 


3 





5 


4 


Is nursed 


65 


6? 


50 


40 


41 


1tt 


41 


no 


41 


S0 


09 


30 


11 


5 





5 


Is nursed only 


'/# 


38 


0q 


07 


07 


38 


31 


35 


30 


oq 


10 


1Q 


10 


5 





6 


Has bottle feeding. . . . 


fifl 


6fl 


71 


7^ 


79 


6?, 


7? 


65 


70 


64 


79 


70 


71 


60 


74 


7 


Is bottle fed, not nursed 


86 


38 


50 


58 


59 


47 


59 


54 


59 


61 


63 


59 


73 


60 


73 


8 


Has bottle feeding and is nursed 


16 


94 


01 


15 


14 


15 


10 


11 


11 


4 


17 


11 











fl 


Fed with spoon .... 


o 


4 


8 


1 


3*i 


59 


64 


75 


80 


96 


97 


97 


98 


89 


98 


10 


Fed with cup 


o 

















4 


1 


Ifi 




Oft 


37 


50 


fi1 


68 


11 


Has cod-liver oil 


SO 


45 


68 


81 


71 


7? 


66 


54 


6S 


54- 


35 


34, 


43 


35 


41 


19. 


Has orange juice 


>6 


45 


75 


9fl 


74 


66 


74 


57 


70 


71 


59 


5ft 


67 


I R 


77 


13 


Has cereal . . 





o 


fl 


4 


19 


34 


59 


65 


88 


89 


83 


89 


93 


75 


91 





































SITUATION: TOILET HABITS (to) 



to 


Behavior items 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 


1 


Has no regular toilet training 


100 


100 


100 


97 


87 


65 


5? 


5<t 


41 


30 


17 


14 


10 


4 


13 


9, 


Has regular toilet training 











3 


19 


.3,5 


48 


47 


59 


71 


83 


86 


90 


96 


90 


,3 


Never soils diapers 











3 


8 


4 


7 


8 


7 


17 


1R 


OT 


90 


93 


80 





































WAKING HOURS DURING 24 Ho UK PERIOD 



Age 


4 


6 


8 


12 


16 


20 


24 


28 


32 


36 


40 


44 


48 


52 


56 




Number of cases ...... . 


30 


28 


28 


26 


49 


31 


31 


30 


33 


35 


34 


32 


36 


46 


27 




Boys and girls: 
Average 


Hours 
4.20 


,5 78 


6.12 


6,85 


7 31 


7 63 


8 41 


8 43 


8 64 


8 88 


9 94 


9 63 


9.99 


9.98 


10.46 


























1.09 




Sigma 


1.72 


1.94 


1.14 


1.78 


1,60 


1.38 


1.25 


1.54 


1.59 


1.45 


1.43 


1.38 


1.59 


1.74 





AVERAGE NUMBER OF HOURS IN LONGEST WAKING PERIOD 



Boys and girls. 


Hours 
1.93 


2.66 


2.59 


2.91 


3.14 


3.30 


3.90 


3.59 


3.95 


3.94 


4.23 


4.92 


4.94 


5.39 


5.76 



SLEEPING PERIODS IN 4 HOURS 



Boys and girls: 
Average 


6.56 


6.14 


6.46 


5.81 


5.53 


4.97 


4.65 


4.87 


4.09 


4.17 


3.88 


3.38 


3.22 


3.02 


2.78 




Sigma 


1.14 


1.16 


1.52 


2.02 


1.19 


1.03 


1.08 


.80 


,94 


.97 


1.08 


.96 


1.13 


.88 


.63 





As far as this question must be answered in order to define .a 
premise, it is probably safest to choose a judicious affirmative. 
When the issue is made to rest on a purely scientific basis, perhaps 
it is wiser to suspend the answer altogether until more data and 
better techniques are available. Meanwhile it is possible to make 
some approach upon the phenomena of social and of personal 



60 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 37 

behavior with the same objective observation and analysis which 
have been brought to bear on other forms of behavior. Personal 
and social behavior expresses itself in characteristic patterns and 
capacities which are subject to laws of growth. And even though 
one does not attempt to set up a definition of personality or a 
criterion of sociality, one can find developmental evidences of 
personal-social behavior in almost all situations. 

Let us first look for some of these evidences In the postural 
situations, a field of behavior which superficially lies quite remote 
from social behavior and yet cannot be divorced from it. Over 
two-thirds of the infants from 4 to 16 weeks of age paid some 
regard to the examiner during the supine situation. No one can 
assess the social content of this regard. It is an important fact, 
however, that selective regard for the examiner's figure and 
for his face is characteristic of the early perceptual responses of 
the infant. It is possible to trace certain incrementations and 
changes in these perceptual responses, which must be highly 
correlated with the maturing of the infant's social make-up. 

At 4 weeks of age, the infant's facial expression Is for the most 
part vacant and detached, but under the conditions of the exami- 
nation it was found that large distant objects like the window and 
the lights were not fixated as frequently as the examiner's face, 
even though the infant's countenance was itself suggestive of 
indifference. Under social stimulation, however, there may be 
slight increase of mouthing movements, and head fixation in 
the mid line may be very momentarily prolonged even In the 
4 weeks-old infant. The examiner makes a social approach by 
bending over the infant, nodding, and "talking" to him. At 
6 weeks, the face of the infant is less impassive, and by social 
approach the examiner elicited facial brightening in over half 
of the infants. At this age it is always possible to secure regard; 
even "smiling" was sometimes observed. 

At 8 weeks, the facial expression is decidedly more alert, 
smiling is practically universal, and the examiner receives intent 
and prolonged regard. Responsiveness to the examiner^ social 
approach is characteristically brief and delayed, but occurs with 
patterned definiteness. The Infant of 8 weeks seems already to 
have attained a definite personal status in the domestic circle. 
His social reactiveness expresses itself immediately or, more 
often, after an initial period of sobering during which there is, for 
15 seconds or more, a reduction of activity, followed by increased 



37 SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC BEHAVIOR 261 

activity. This increased activity includes leg movements, arm 
thrusts, increased vocalizations (sometimes melodious cooing), 
and increased respiration. The regard shows a certain partiality 
for the examiner's face. The infant's eyes follow the moving 
examiner and the infant may even extend the head back to keep 
the examiner in view. When the examiner disappears, a brief 
reaction suggestive of searching (if not of disappointment!) ensues, 
but the infant rarely rediscovers the examiner at once. 

At 12 weeks social responses are more prolonged, more intent, 
and more readily elicited. The examiner does not need to come into 
the direct field of vision to secure regard. The infant perceives him 
in the periphery. Responsive smiling is frequently immediate. 
Characteristically there is a prompt increase in facial as well as 
general activity. This activity includes mouthing, accelerated 
respiration, increased activity of the head and upper back. The 
general excitement may also result in increased kicking of the legs. 
Smiles occur in rapid succession. The infant's regard seems to 
be more sober during the inspection of objects than during inspec- 
tion of the examiner. Whereas the 8 weeks-old infant easily lost 
sight of the examiner, the 12 weeks-old infant readily rediscovers 
him. The whole behavior picture, therefore, is marked by definite 
incrementations in the intensity, amount, immediacy, and pos- 
sibly also the depth of the reactions. 

Even though we have no precise unit for the measurement of 
such incrementations, they indicate that a growth process is 
molding the patterns of social behavior in a manner comparable 
to the morphogenesis of less personal forms of behavior. We 
cannot describe the affective accompaniments of the perception 
of persons, yet it seems very evident that these accompaniments 
are different from those which prevail in more impersonal percep- 
tual situations. Persons are perceived in a different manner from 
things. A difference is suggested by the percentages for the two 
contrasting items Knows mother and Anticipates feeding on sight 
of food. At 12 and at 16 weeks, the recognition responses for the 
mother occur with frequencies of 81 per cent and 92 per cent, 
respectively, as opposed to 42 per cent and 68 per cent, respec- 
tively, for the food. 

When the infant is somewhat more advanced, familiars are 
perceived differently from strangers. The discrimination between 
the parent and the stranger probably depends primarily upon 
both visual and emotional factors. It is very difficult ou the basis 



NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 37 

of our present knowledge to distinguish, the developmental from 
the purely temperamental aspects. By nature some infants are 
more sensitive to strangers than others. 

At 12 weeks and at 16 weeks, eight or nine infants out of ten 
are said to "know" their mothers. As early as 12 weeks one-third, 
and as early as 16 weeks over one-half, of the infants were reported 
to sober on the sight of strangers. This sobering is interpreted as a 
discriminative response which does not necessarily mean with- 
drawal or apprehension. As a matter of fact, 80 per cent of the 
infants at 16 weeks, and from 50 to 60 per cent of the infants at 
20, 24, and 28 weeks, accept strangers with alacrity or friendliness. 
At these ages there are relatively few children who positively 
withdraw from strangers. But at 32 and 36 weeks, and again at 
44 and at 48 weeks, from 42 to 48 per cent of the children were 
reported to exhibit definite withdrawing responses, including 
more drastic sobering in the presence of strangers. It is a common 
observation that the infant will perform nursery tricks for the 
mother which he will not perform for a stranger who uses similar 
technique and persuasion to induce the behavior. This suggests 
the presence of discriminative factors. 

In general it appears that the infant is relatively self-contained 
and unapprehensive in the presence of strangers up to the age 
of 40 weeks, subject of course to significant individual variations. 
Our observations of the deportment of children in the examining 
room and in the photographic dome indicate that approximately 
one-fourth of the children showed some dependence upon the 
mother during the period of the examination at 44, 48, and 52 weeks 
of age. They tolerated only partial separation and preferred to 
have the mother at least in the margin of regard. In diminishing 
order the following degrees of independence may be differentiated : 
(1) the infant who nonchalantly tolerates separation; (2) the infant 
who tolerates separation but needs or prefers the occasional 
reassurance of a brief sight of his mother; (3) the infant who 
needs recurrent and more prolonged sight of his mother; (4) 
the infant who demands that the mother be constantly in his 
range of vision; (5) the infant who needs to feel the contact of 
her supporting hands. 

These differences are of course subject to temperamental 
factors and fluctuating conditions. They are, however, also 
influenced in a broad way by maturity factors. Such differences 



37 SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC BEHAVIOR 263 

in dependence and independence reflect themselves in the play 
habits and play opportunities of the infants. 

Outstanding normative trends in play behavior may now be 
briefly noted. From 13 to 47 per cent of the infants from 4 to 
12 weeks of age were picked up and played with at home while 
held in the mother's arms. Playing in the crib was reported as 
universal at 4 weeks with decreases to 10 per cent at 48 weeks and 
to 8 per cent at 56 weeks. At 8 weeks, the spontaneous activity 
in the crib results in kicking off the blankets in 85 per cent of 
the children. Playing in the carriage was reported with greatest 
frequency at 20 weeks and at 4 weeks (67 per cent and 84 per 
cent). Play in the high chair was not mentioned with any fre- 
quency until the age of 8 weeks (52 per cent). Some infants 
(about one in ten at this age) were placed in a domestic swing 
instead of a high, chair. From 44 weeks on about one-third of the 
infants were reported to play in the pen. Floor play became most 
prominent at 56 weeks (75 per cent). One-third of the children 
used a kiddy car or a similar toy at 44 weeks and at 48 weeks. 
If we combine the kiddy car, pen, and floor play, we find that this 
item reaches a normative frequency at 40 weeks with an in- 
creasing trend thereafter. 

Seventy-one per cent or more of the children were reported to 
have two or more toys at all ages from weeks onward. Seventy- 
five per cent could boast a rattle at 16 weeks, 93 per cent at 
20 weeks, and 100 per cent at 24 weeks. This ancient toy was 
prominent until the age of 40 weeks, when (by mothers' reports) 
less than, one-third of the children continued to play with the 
rattle. Playing with paper was most characteristic of 20 and 
24 weeks. Play with the spoon and with a clothespin was most 
characteristic at 32 weeks. Dolls and animal toys did not come 
strongly into the picture until 24 weeks of age, when 70 per cent 
of the normative infants were in possession of such a toy. 

These selected percentages afford some picture of the general 
trends in regard to play opportunities and play activities. It 
would be futile to attempt to make a thorough-going distinction 
between self -initiated play and social play, because under the 
natural conditions of domestic life the individual and induced 
aspects are in a state of constant fluctuation and alternation. 
Merely to receive a toy from the parent becomes a social experi- 
ence as soon as the infant even in a vague manner identifies the 
mother as the source of the satisfactions which he gets from the toy. 



264 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 37 

Toy deprivation also reacts to build up percepts _ of the social 
world. Eliciting the attention of others is a fairly objective and 
significant bit of social behavior, particularly when the method 
is vocal. For example, a child may cough, look at his mother, and 
cough again until she looks at him. Behavior of this type was 
reported in one-fourth of the normative infants at 44 and at 
48 weeks and in one-half at 5 and at 56 weeks. Such behavior 
is more primitive than pointing to an object, saying "See/' 
or walking to the mother and tugging at her dress to attract 
attention. 

Many things of social import may happen when the infant has 
been playing preoccupiedly with his toy: he may lose it; the parent 
may restore it to him; the parent may intervene to assist him in 
its manipulation, or may set up some informal game of give and 
take; or the toy may be snatched from him. Many things, quite 
trivial when considered individually, happen; but they happen 
so often from day to day and in such varying contexts that the 
infant finds in them ample materials and points of departure for 
building up a growing system of "social" percepts. The develop- 
mental mechanism for such percepts is essentially comparable to 
that which governs the perceptual organization of his physical 
environment. 

In many respects the most important situations which affect 
the social reactions of the infant are those which occur day In and 
day out in connection with bathing, cleansing, feeding, elimina- 
tion, sleep. These situations were beyond the scope of the norma- 
tive study, but by means of interview It was possible to gather 
data which reveal developmental trends in the routine of the 
infant's behavior day. The changes in routine carry many implica- 
tions concerning the social as well as physical maturity of the 
infant. 

One consistent growth change related to the lengthening of the 
wakeful periods and the correlated lessening of the number of 
waking-sleeping periods. There are interesting differences between 
boy and girl infants which will not be considered here. The average 
number of hours awake during 24 hours rises steadily from 4.36 
hours at 4 weeks to 10.46 hours at 56 weeks. The average number 
of hours in the longest waking period likewise rises from. 1.93 
hours at 4 weeks to 5.76 hours at 56 weeks. The number of sleeping 
periods in 4 hours fell from an average of 6,56 at 4 weeks to 2,78. 
at 56 weeks. 



37 SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC BEHAVIOR 265 

The feeding habits of the infant disclose similar developmental 
changes. At 4 weeks nine children out of ten had a night feeding; 
at 56 weeks approximately one child out of ten had such a feeding. 
The figures decline with much regularity. At 8 weeks two-thirds 
of the children had a night feeding; at 44 weeks only one-third 
of the children had such a feeding. The number of night feedings 
is ordinarily only one or two. At 4 weeks two-thirds of the children 
had two night feedings and at 28 weeks only one-quarter of the 
children had two night feedings. From 32 through 56 weeks the 
number who had two night feedings varied from to 7 per 
cent. The practice of a single night feeding, however, is found at 
all age levels. It occurs in from 7 to 11 per cent of the children 
from 4 through 12 weeks of age; thereafter the proportion, rises 
from 20 to 86 per cent. 

Breast feeding occurred at all ages except 56 weeks with a 
frequency of 65 per cent at 4 weeks, declining to 41 per cent at 
32 weeks and to 5 per cent at 5% weeks. At 4 weeks nearly half 
of the infants were breast fed only. From 6 to 36 weeks from one- 
quarter to one-third of the children were entirely breast fed. 
The number of children who were fed only by bottle rose from 
36 per cent at 4 weeks to 73 per cent at 56 weeks. 

As the infants grow older the feeding situation involves an 
increasing array of social factors. The use of the spoon and cup 
creates mixed patterns of dependence and independence. The 
spoon first conies into the behavior picture at the age of 6 weeks, 
when 4 per cent of the children were fed with the spoon; at 12 weeks 
12 per cent were so fed, and at 16 weeks 35 per cent. From 20 weeks 
through 56 weeks, this percentage rose from 59 to 98 per cent. The 
cup does not come into the behavior scene in the normative group 
until the age of 24 weeks (4 per cent). At 28 weeks one-eighth, 
at 44 weeks one-third, at 48 weeks one-half of the infants, and 
at 56 weeks two-thirds of the infants were fed with the cup. 
Cod-liver oil and orange juice were fed at all ages. Cod-liver oil 
figured with highest frequency at 20 weeks (72 per cent), and 
orange juice with highest frequency at 12 weeks (92 per cent). 
Cereal was first fed at 12 weeks (4 per cent) and became a charac- 
teristic feature of the diet at 24 weeks and later (from 59 per cent 
to 93 per cent). 

Regular training in toilet habits was reported as early as 12 
weeks (3 per cent). At 32 weeks 59 per cent, at 56 weeks 90 per cent 
of the infants were reported to have regular toilet training. At 



266 NORMATIVE CHARACTERISTICS 37 

the latter age about one-half of the Infants had attained bowel 
control. 

The foregoing figures are offered without comment. In specific 
detail and in incidence, the patterns of domestic behavior vary 
widely with temperamental and socializing factors. Infants do not 
respond equally to the age-old forces of domestication. Moreover, 
the premium which is placed on self-help varies greatly in dif- 
ferent homes. The normative percentages, however, suggest anew 
that the patterns of domestic behavior are also governed by devel- 
opmental factors which determine the infant's capacity to profit 
by experience and to achieve independence. 

The degree and elaborateness of the infant's sociality are 
primarily a function of the perceptual maturity of the infant. 
The nature of these maturity factors has already been indicated in 
previous discussions of various normative situations including 
language. Almost half of the infants at 32 weeks definitely adjust 
to words, and at the age of 36 weeks two-thirds or more of the 
infants so adjust. This item, although based on mothers' reports, 
is a reliable indicator of the social status of the child. It is not 
assumed that the infant "understands" any given word, but he 
does react responsively to the word as a cue in a social situation. 
Adjustment to commands is not reported with normative fre- 
quency until the age of 44 weeks (55 per cent). At 52 weeks, 73 per 
cent of the children adjust to commands. Responses to inhibitory 
words -like "No! No!** rise to near normative frequency at 44 
weeks (45 per cent) and to 52 per cent at 52 weeks. The normative 
percentages with regard to nursery games supply further indication 
of the social and learning capacities of the child. At 40 weeks 53 per 
cent respond with appropriate gesture to "Bye-bye"; at 44 weeks 
26 per cent, and at 52 weeks 34 per cent, respond to the nursery 
game "How big is the baby?** Pat-a-cake was reported in 42 per 
cent at 44 weeks, in 50 per cent at 52 weeks. Peeka-boo rises to 
its highest percentage, 25 per cent, at 52 weeks. 

Although these percentages are merely suggestive, they indicate 
that the social docility of the child comes into marked prominence 
at about the age of 40 weeks, when the child displays increasing 
susceptibility to words, to gestures, to demonstrations. This 
susceptibility has been analyzed in considerable detail in connec- 
tion with the paper and crayon, performance box, ball play, and 
mirror situations. These situations have much social content and 
the reader, may well refer to their discussion for an outline of 



'37 SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC BEHAVIOR 67 

factors which fundamentally determine the patterning of social 
behavior. Although the mirror situation does not cast any positive 
light on the nature of perception of other persons, it does indicate 
concretely the developmental factors which are at work and which 
limit such perception. The ball play situation instructively reminds 
us that the infant's social behavior is delimited by his sensorimotor 
abilities in the same way that his manipulative behavior is so 
limited. 

The specific adaptive responses to a situation may be inferior 
to the underlying social attitude of the infant. Social orientation 
on an affective plane may be slightly in advance of his overt social 
acts. For example, his responsive behavior in the ball play situa- 
tion at 44 weeks is very rudimentary. No real ball play can be 
elicited, and yet the infant looks regardf ully in the direction of the 
examiner and shows pleasurable reactions which indicate that on 
an emotional level at least the infant is joining in the game with 
enjoyment. Full motor participation will complete the cycle of 
his adjustment. Such is the general mechanism of his social devel- 
opment throughout the first year of life. 

We do not gain the impression that this social development is 
radically dependent upon the emergence of a series of differentiated 
instincts. Pervasive general propensities, more or less unique for 
each infant, are present from birth. The infant seems to be gov- 
erned by these propensities, which do not greatly alter in character 
as he grows older but which are so basic that they constantly press 
him into the social environment. In a developmental sense one may 
say without exaggeration that the infant is a social individual 
at 4 weeks as well as at 40 weeks, even though from an adult point 
of view he has so much more social stature at the latter age. Not 
only through toys and socialized nursery games, but through 
feeding, bathing, dressing, cleansing, toilet, and the countless, 
ceaseless ministrations of domestic life, he constantly incorporates 
through growth processes a vast, intricate web of anticipations. 
These anticipations, negative and positive, both constitute and 
determine the patterning of his social behavior. 



CHAPTER FOUR 
THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING OF BEHAVIOR 

The Early Growth Cycle and the Correlation of Behavior Forms 
38. THE EARLY LIFE CYCLE 

INFANT behavior grows with such swiftness and profusion 
that it is almost impossible to bring the multifarious phenom- 
ena into a single view. To elucidate the richness and the nature of 
early mental growth, it has been necessary to give consideration 
to the specific detail of individual patterns. But these patterns 
in all their multiplicity assume correlations and sequences which 
are themselves patterned. To envisage this general patterning of 
correlated patterns, we must retreat from the foreground of 
detail and let our attention travel down into the full vista of the 
early life cycle. 

The vanishing point of this vista is the germinal stage in the 
growth of the individual. The germinal stage begins with conception 
and continues about a week. In this period, the fertilized ovum, 
or zygote, transforms into a blastula, a minute globular sac, with 
an embryonic area. 

The embryonic stage, about six weeks in duration, begins with 
the appearance of a defined embryo in this area. The embryonic 
cells multiply and differentiate into groups which transform into 
the fundamental organs and structures of the fetus. 

The fetal stage extends from approximately 7 weeks to 40 weeks. 
With birth the fetus becomes a neonate. 

The neonatal stage lasts about 4 weeks. The remainder of 
the first year of postnatal life may be conveniently subdivided 
into four trimesters, or quarters. The almanac for this total 
prenatal and postnatal span of 3 lunar months follows. An 
inspection of this almanac will suggest that the younger the 
organism the greater the developmental value of a given unit 
of time. In a broad way this holds alike for physical and for 
mental growth. 

268 



39 , THE GROWTH OF POSTURE 269 

AGE DEVELOPMENTAL PERIODS 

Prenatal weeks 

Germinal (zygote and blastula) 

1 Embryonic (embryo at 4 weeks, approximate length 2.5 mm.) 
7 Fetal (fetus at 7 weeks, approximate length 19 mm.) 

40 BIRTH 

Postnatal weeks 

Neonatal (newborn infant measures approximately o cm.) 

4 First Quarter (4 weeks infant measures approximately 55 cm.) 

16 Second Quarter (16 weeks infant measures 63 cm.) 

28 Third Quarter (8 weeks infant measures 68 cm.) 

40 Fourth Quarter (40 weeks infant measures 72 cm.) 

52 First Birthday (52 weeks infant measures 76 cm.) 

The foregoing frame of reference may be used to bring the 
whole scope of behavior development into a unitary focus. For 
rapid summary we shall consider four distinguishable areas or 
spheres of behavior, namely: (1) Posture and Locomotion; () 
Prehension and Manipulation; (3) Perceptual and Adaptive 
Behavior; (4) Social and Language Behavior. 

If we are to bring the developmental events into compact view, 
we must sacrifice precision of detail for emphasis of trend. The 
ontogenetic trend of the behavior will be sketchily traced through 
the succession of age zones beginning with the embryonic period.* 
Incidental comments will be added to stress the continuity of 
behavior growth and to show the past and future implications of 
immature stages. 

39. THE GROWTH OF POSTURE AND LOCOMOTION 

Prenatal and Neonatal Period. At the end of the first lunar 
month after fertilization when the embryo is about 2.5 mm. in 
length, the heart is already beating, and muscle tissue has begun 
to form. In the early organization of the axial and limb muscula- 
ture we look for the first evidence of postural behavior. In two 

* We have especially drawn on the following references in the discussion of prenatal 
and circumnatal aspects of behavior: 

COGHILL, G. E., The early development of behavior in Amblystoma and in man. 
Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, vol. 21, pp. 989-1009, 1929. 

CARMICHAEL, LEONARD, Origin and prenatal growth of behavior. Chap. II, A Hand- 
book of Child Psychology (2nd e<L, Carl Murchison, editor), Worcester, Mass.: Clark Uni- 
versity Press, 1933. 

PRATT, KARL C.: The neonate, Chap. Ill, A Handbook of Child Psychology. 

See also: GESELL, A., Infancy and Human Growth, Chap. XV, (pp. 299-333). 

- - , The mental growth of prematurely born infants. Journal of Pediatrics, vol. 2, 
no. 6, pp. 676-680, 1933. 



270 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 39 

more weeks, in an embryo mm. long, this musculature may be 
sufficiently advanced to produce slow back-and-forth movements 
of arms and legs. 

At the second lunar month, when the embryo has become a 
fetus and attained a length of about 30 mm., spontaneous worm- 
like movements of the arms, legs, and trunk have been observed. 
To what extent these movements are determined by neural activa- 
tion is not known. Soon after this, the vestibular apparatus is 
anatomically well developed and mediates labyrinth reflexes 
which should be counted among the early manifestations of 
postural behavior. The fetus lives in a fluid medium and Min- 
kowski suggests that it has use for an equilibrium function. 

Between 10 weeks and weeks many movements of a postural 
character occur: the trunk curves and straightens; legs and arms 
flex, extend, and rotate; the head moves from side to side, and 
up and down. Under the conditions of observation, these move- 
ments often assume a diffuse and uncoordinated character; but 
Coghill properly stresses the fact that the movements also show 
true coordination. For example, as early as the tenth week stimula- 
tion of one limb caused a response of both limbs. Even earlier, 
both legs may move in association with mouth movements. Both 
legs also participate in the eyelid reflex. 

At the third lunar month shoulders move with flexure of the 
trunk, neck, and limbs. Such simultaneity of action in various 
components denotes coordination and strongly suggests an under- 
lying general pattern of neuromuscular organization, which in- 
volves the entire body and its appendages. 

At the fourth and fifth lunar months stimulation of one foot 
results in flexion of the corresponding leg and extension of the 
contralateral leg. Turning the head to one side frequently causes 
movement of the arm on that side. Moreover, when this postural 
attitude is once initiated, it tends to maintain itself tonically, 
perhaps due to the proprioceptor sensibility of the neck. Here 
we glimpse more than an adumbration of the tonic neck reflex. 
We see its first ontogenetic lineaments. 

Closely related is the diagonal reflex. Stimulation of one foot 
evokes a reaction in the opposite hand. This is in the nature of a 
"trot" 1 reflex, which brings it emphatically enough into the cate- 
gory of locomotion. It might also be called a "swimming" reflex, 
for the fetus lives a liquid life. But ontogenetically it is more aptly 
a trot reflex, for it undoubtedly represents the fetal framework 
for the mechanisms of escape, crawling, and creeping, to say 



39 THE GROWTH OF POSTURE 

nothing of walking, toddling, and running. From a mechanical 
or engineering standpoint, alternating lateral contralateral reac- 
tion is one of the most fundamental features of man's make-up. 
The foundations for such reactions are laid early. They are laid 
before the prenatal period is half over. 

Rhythmic timing of movements of the extremities probably 
is not established until the latter half of the fetal period. Yet lash- 
ing movements have been observed as early as the twenty-fourth 
postconception week. Arm thrashing of a windmill type is a prom- 
inent neonatal response. 

The plantar "reflex" deserves brief mention because mechanic- 
ally, and in a measure morphogenetically, it concerns standing and 
stepping components essential to walking. The response to plantar 
stimulation is so variable that the reflex concept should not be 
applied too strictly. When the sole of the fetal foot at the age of 10 
weeks is stimulated, the response is extension of the leg and dorsal 
flexion of the foot. At a slightly later age the foot also rotates and 
the toes flex plantar- wise; at a yet later age the great toe extends. 
At birth there is marked extension of the great toe with extension 
and fanning of the other toes, a Babinski type of response which 
disappears at the age of walking. 

The postural activity of the fetus is, of course, much restricted 
by physical confinements. His very attitudes are in a measure 
molded by the conformation of the uterine walls, and the postural 
attitudes of the newborn infant are accordingly reminiscent of the 
womb. The extremities of the neonate are markedly flexed and 
this, together with a persisting rounding of the 'back, causes him 
to roll to his side when placed supine. The rolling is quite involun- 
tary. His rounded back was well adapted to the uterus but makes 
a poor presenting surface for a flat bed. Accordingly, he rolls from 
gravity rather than innervation. Likewise, the marked flexion of the 
legs elevates the pelvis when he lies prone. Orthopedically he still 
is better adapted for a concave bed. In full sleep, however, the 
trunk straightens; he lies on the flat of his back and his arms 
assume a symmetrical averted position, semiflexed and outwardly 
rotated. 

The typical postural attitude of the quiescent neonate, even at 
one week, is that of the tonic neck reflex, in which the head and, 
in part, the trunk rotate to one side, the arm of the opposite side 
flexing sharply, bringing the hand near the occiput. One gains the 
impression that even this postural reaction is an expanded version 



THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 39 

of a bodily attitude which was well suited to the confinements of 
the uterus. It is quite conceivable that the fetus makes many 
active as well as passive postural adjustments to his surroundings. 
Quickening movements are not necessarily mere leg movements 
but may be interpreted as active postural reactions under partial 
proprioceptor control. It is therefore not surprising that the tonic 
neck reflex pattern of the neonate is foreshadowed in the early- 
fetal period. Nor is it surprising that this fundamental reflex is 
conspicuous until the sixteenth postnatal week. Indeed it never 
disappears, for it remains an implicit or active component of 
numerous forms of gesture., locomotion, and bodily control. 

The First Quarter (4 to 12 weeks}. The supine position is the 
accustomed position throughout this period. Both in sleeping and 
in waking hours it is the posture of preference and necessity. The 
infant cannot, even if he would, reinstate the curled-up attitude 
of his uterine existence. Nor can he, even if he would, escape the 
confinements of his crib. At 1 weeks he may roll the pelvis; 
as a rule, he cannot roll his entire body even to the side; he may 
kick his legs with sufficient energy to propel him a bit head ward; 
but beyond this he has no capacity for locomotion. 

Even when he is placed in the prone position he makes no 
advance by the crawl-like flexion of his legs. He rests haplessly on 
knees, abdomen, chest, and head. At 12 weeks he rears his head 
and sustains a part of his fore ward weight on his forearms. 

When he is held horizontally in ventral suspension, he extends 
his head and for a moment does not allow it to droop. But if he is 
held in a sitting position, his head sags, or at best is held only 
bobbingly erect. His back is markedly rounded and relatively 
flaccid as he sits, supported. Held in the standing position, his head 
at 12 weeks sets forward but may remain steadily erect. His legs 
support no weight and offer but slight resistance to the platform 
(4 to 8 weeks) ; his toes flex. 

The outstanding, indeed the dominating, postural characteristic 
of this period is the tonic neck reflex attitude. The infant main- 
tains this attitude more or less completely throughout his waking 
life. For twelve weeks his head remains prevailingly rotated to one 
side, and his hands are predominantly closed. But he is no autom- 
aton. During the first trimester the tonic neck reflex attitude 
becomes progressively less rigid and less stereotyped. It fluctuates 
and adapts to changing stimuli, internal and external. With the 
beginning of the second trimester, it almost dissolves out of the 



39 THE GROWTH OF POSTURE 273 

behavior picture, because the new versatility of head and arms 
masks or replaces the earlier patterns. The tonic neck reflex pos- 
ture, using the term somewhat loosely, denotes a general con- 
figuration of head, trunk, and arm attitude. This attitude expresses 
a necessary morphogenetic stage in the primary organization of 
closely identified elements in perceptual, postural, and locomotor 
behavior. 

The Second Quarter (16 to 24 weeks'). Sixteen weeks marks 
many transitions. The infant in the second quarter becomes a 
propped-up as well as a supine individual. His head shows only 
slight or initial lag when he is pulled to the sitting position. He 
now holds his head set forward, steady, and erect. He relishes the 
new orientation to his physical and social world. His eyes widen, 
his pulse and breath quicken at the moment of translation from 
horizontal to a more or less precarious perpendicular. His trunk 
assumes more tonus and uprightness; his supported body holds 
relatively erect (at 20 and 24 weeks). As he leans forward he 
erects his head, and at 24 weeks he can even sit a moment unsup- 
ported in this leaning attitude, using his own hand as a stabilizer. 
Though rather immobile in this leaning stance, he turns his head 
freely when seated in a chair. 

When placed prone he rears his head well aloft and lifts the 
upper chest from the platform, sustaining part of his weight on 
the forearms ; but prone locomotion is still well in the future, even 
though he can lift his plantigrade hand at 16 weeks. 

In the supported standing position he reveals new powers. 
He holds his head steadily erect (16 weeks), extends his legs 
recurrently, and momentarily sustains a large fraction of his weight. 
He enjoys placement in the standing position. 

In the supine position he shows important postural gains. He can 
roll to the side (16 weeks). He lifts his head from the platform. His 
head rotates freely from side to side and favors the mid rather than 
the side position. His hands, which formerly were sundered from 
each other by his postural limitations, now contact and engage in 
the median plane and his arms thrust out in vertical as well as 
lateral directions. These increments of mobility in the posturing 
of head, trunk, and arms signify much for the general organization 
of his behavior patterns and bring him closer to independent 
balance and locomotion. 

The Third Quarter (28 to 36 weeks). In this period the supine 
position- is still further outgrown and the infant attains the ability 



274 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 39 

to sit alone for several minutes. He erects Mmself unaided when 
leaning forward (36 weeks). He thus reaches the halfway station 
on his developmental journey toward the upright position. 

He is more tolerant of the prone position. When placed prone 
he erects Ms head completely. He sustains an increased proportion 
of weight on his arms and lifts the chest farther from the platform. 

In the standing position he now supports his entire weight (32) 
and rises to his toes (36 weeks). 

When supine, he can grasp his toes, he can roll to prone and gain 
the sitting position independently or with only slight assistance. 

From the standpoint of postural self-dependence, this is a 
transitional period. For the most part he still needs props, safe- 
guards, and help; but he is improving his equilibrium and will 
manifest a considerable degree of motor independence in the next 
period. 

The Fourth Quarter (40 to 52 weeks}. This period is distin- 
guished by the assumption of erect posture. This important human 
trait came late in the history of the race. Ontogenetically it comes 
with relative precocity but it requires preparatory stages which 
reach back even into the uterine period. 

The supine attitude is in the fourth quarter so far outgrown 
that it is almost obnoxious to the wide-awake infant. But for a time 
it is not altogether clear whether he is destined to become a 
quadrupedal or a bipedal creature. 

Sitting is well mastered. He can maintain balance even when 
he turns to the side, and can sustain balance for prolonged periods. 
He rarely falls while sitting/He can pivot, adapting his sitting 
orientation to acquire an accessible object. He can reorient his 
posture, changing from sitting to prone and vice versa. 

In the prone position he usually assumes a creeping stance, 
supporting his torso on hands and knees. Not infrequently he 
assumes a full plantigrade stance, resting on soles as well as palms. 
Although knees were not evolved to serve for prone progression, 
they are so used and sometimes with amazing alacrity. 

However, they were evolved to facilitate shifts of posture and 
ontogentically the more significant use of the knees is as fulcrums 
for the assumption of the upright attitude. Gravity and a hoary 
ancestry conspire against the attainment of this attitude; but 
during the infantile 40's, the knees are brought into heavy requisi- 
tion. With or without assistance the infant pulls himself to a 
standing position. He stands holding the rail on which he pulls; a 



40 PREHENSION AND MANIPULATION 275 

little later (56 weeks) he stands Independently. He cruises or walks 
using such support, and again a little later he walks independently. 
The adult hands which had to aid his balance at 40 weeks are now 
withdrawn. He is nearer man's estate than he was at birth, when a 
reflexogenous kind of supine posture was the limit of his postural 
capacity. 

40. PREHENSION AND MANIPULATION 

Prenatal and Neonatal Period. Prehension as such has no 
place in the economy of embryo and fetus; but the first chapters in 
the ontogenetic history of prehension none the less lie in the 
prenatal period. Even postnatally the act of prehension is a product 
of slow growth; it does not appear in its perfected form until the 
very end of the first year of life. It is the result of a long and finally 
subtle coordination of postural, perceptual, and grasping mecha- 
nisms. These mechanisms are refined through progressive indi- 
viduations and systematizations of specific patterns. The patterns 
arise out of a total system to which they remain subsidiary. For 
this reason even the primitive arm and trunk responses of embryo 
and fetus are significant in the ontogenetic patterning of prehension. 

Limb buds appear in the embryo as early as 3 weeks; but not 
until about the fortieth postnatal week are the limbs serviceable 
for locomotion. The anterior limbs must be organized for purposes 
of prehension and manipulation, but their phyletic relationship 
to the ancient uses of swimming and of quadrupedal progression 
are constantly suggested in the early patterns of reaction. In 
interpreting these early patterns it is not always possible to say 
whether they are prelocomotor or preprehensory in their develop- 
mental significance. The fetus and infant do not recapitulate these 
behavior patterns in a ritualistic manner; but, since locomotion 
and prehension are both attained through a process of progressive 
individuation, the primitive reactions of fetus and infant are not 
to be regarded as relics of the past but as necessary morphogenetic 
stages. These stages are never fully transcended but supply a con- 
tribution and a potentiality in the growing repertoire of the 
organism. 

Prehension emerges out, of posture. Prehension essentially is 
a focalization of posture for purposes of appropriation. Fetal arm 
movements occur in close relationship with reactions of the axial 
musculature. As early as the tenth prenatal week symmetric 
movements of arms, legs, and shoulders occur in a generalized way 



276 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 40 

after a jarring stimulus. At the eleventh, week arm adduction and 
rotation occur on touching the palm. The shoulders typically 
participate in these movements; there is relatively little inde- 
pendent activity at the digital, wrist, and elbow joints. Even in the 
neonate (a week or two old) the arm behaves somewhat like a 
flipper. Its movements are stereotyped and restricted. Character- 
istically there is no movement at the elbow without movement at 
the shoulder, and often there is movement at the shoulder without 
movement at the elbow. The distal segments are so immature that 
the hand remains fisted. The knuckles of this fisted hand often 
find the mouth. Sucking then ensues. The neonate appropriates 
by mouth; but not by hand. Directed manual prehension does not 
occur until the elbow and distal segments acquire, through matura- 
tion, more mobility and until the eyes coordinate with the hands 
in the act of appropriation. 

Here again the ontogenetic significance of the tonic neck reflex 
confronts us. Does not this postural attitude prepare the way for 
hand inspection which is such an important stage on the pathway 
toward prehension? Whether considered mechanistically or 
teleologically, the prevalence of the tonic neck reflex attitude 
during the first four postnatal months favors (or denotes!) the 
coordination of eye and hand. The infant lies with face directed 
toward an extended arm. His gaze at first has no relation to the 
hand or to the arm; but he is becoming predisposed to look at 
least in the general direction of any activity he may initiate. His 
arm brushes time and again across his field of vision. His retinal 
receptors are sufficiently sensitized to take vague note of the 
movement. Later, at 10 or 12 weeks, he takes defined, even trans- 
fixed, note of forearm or hand. It is a most important ontogenetic 
step in that coordination of eye and hand which leads to prehen- 
sion. It would not augur well should he persist in merely mouthing 
his hand rather than looking at it. 

Although developmental organization procedes in general from 
fundamental to accessory muscles and from proximal to distal 
segments, there are exceptions or pseudo-exceptions to the rule. 
For example, as early as the twelfth prenatal week conjoint spon- 
taneous movements of the fingers and trembling of the thumb have 
been observed. Flexion of the fingers and a grasping reflex of the 
toes have been elicited at about this age. To what extent such 
response is due to cutaneous or to deep muscle stimulation is not 
known. 



40 PREHENSION AND MANIPULATION 277 

At about 26 weeks the fetus manifests an energetic grasp in 
response to pressure applied to the palm. When the pressure is only 
lightly applied to the skin, the response is more variable and incon- 
stant. The newborn infant has, therefore, been prepared in utero 
for his prodigious capacity to take grasp-hold of a rod and to sus- 
pend his own weight for several or many seconds. 

A tonic type of grasp is highly characteristic of the neonate. 
His hands are predominantly fisted and it takes prying force to 
uncurl his tight fingers. Contact of the back of his fingers does not 
result in hand opening though it may result in increased activity. 
He can grasp reflexly; he cannot yet prehend. 

The First Quarter (4 to 12 weeks). During this period the 
infant lies supine in both his sleeping hours and waking intervals. 
If by prehension we mean the visual detection of an object, a con- 
sequent approach upon it, culminating in a grasp, then the infant 
at these ages lacks all power of prehension. But he performs in 
snatches and in partial synergy many acts which belong to the 
later coordinated patterns of prehension. He clenches his hand if an 
object like the rattle is placed within the palm. He holds it pas- 
sively or actively, sometimes for a prolonged interval, though 
usually without visual fixation. Eye and hand in the prehensory 
sense are meagerly coordinated. Often, particularly at 4 to 8 weeks, 
he drops the object speedily, his hands opening and closing willy- 
nilly. However, when an object is once in hand at 12 weeks, he 
clenches it repeatedly as though reacting to the dermal stimulus. 
When an object is brought to the palm or lightly against the back 
of his flexed fingers, he often responds by opening the hand (at 
12 weeks). This is genetically a significant reaction, for, although 
it does not result in seizure, it is an anticipatory adjustment to 
grasp. At 20 weeks this adjustment is so closely associated with 
approach that even a slight tactile cue induces movement toward 
the stimulus and successful grasp. 

In the first trimester the infant does not, at any age, character- 
istically regard an object (even a rattle) while it is held in his own 
hand. He may fasten on an object with his eyes; he may fasten it in 
his grip; but he does not automatically and simultaneously fasten 
with both hand and eyes. He is at the brink of this achievement, 
for at 12 weeks he gives sustained regard to his empty hand. It is 
the grosser components of prehension and particularly those of 
approach which are undergoing developmental change. His 
shoulders are becoming more mobile, his elbows more flexible. 



278 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 40 

This results in diagonal and near vertical pumping movements 
of the arms, movements which have little obvious import for pre- 
hension but which are ontogentically and mechanically necessary 
for later acts of closing-in and reaching. The hands are drawing- 
together and even at 12 weeks they may sometimes contact at the 
mid line, but they cling close to the chest. True prehension 
requires a perfection in these orientational adjustments of trunk, 
shoulder, upper arm, forearm. Hand and digits are merely accessory 
instruments for grasping and even they are governed by the 
synergic control of the larger segments of the prehensory limb. 
Approach is genetically the oldest and remains the most important 
aspect of prehension. The basis for visually directed approach is 
ontogenetically patterned during the first twelve weeks. 

The Second Quarter (16 to 24 weeks}. In this period elementary 
prehension is achieved. The fourth lunar month clearly marks the 
transition. The 16 weeks infant increases his arm activity on mere 
sight of the rattle. He gives much more visual attention to the 
rattle while he holds it and he brings his free hand toward the 
mid-plane. These behavior patterns forerun definite approach 
movements on visual cue. At 20 weeks, both in supine and in 
sitting situations, the infant makes a back-hand fling or a corralling 
approach upon a visually fixated object. Typically he approaches 
the dangling ring with both hands, and manages to grasp it. He 
contacts a cube on the table. Actual grasp of objects on the table, 
like the cube and bell, is not characteristic until 24 weeks. Tactile 
cue and favorable proximity are rather necessary for grasp at 
20 weeks, but at 24 weeks a visual cue suffices. The infant promptly 
approaches the cube on sight, lifts it, mouths it, and even gives 
heed to and grasps a second cube. His approach movements are 
somewhat atactic; he raises his hand, thrusts, lowers, and slides 
it more or less by shifts; the movements are not so fluently blended 
as at 28 weeks. Sometimes they are ineffectual. The hand is directed 
to come pronately, palmar-wise over the cube. Often the cube is 
touched without immediate grasp and the free hand frequently 
comes in to participate. 

The Third Quarter (28 to 36 weeks). Twenty-eight weeks 
marks the transition to. more advanced modes of prehension and 
refinements of grasp. Approach becomes more unilateral, more 
direct, less pronate, the hand tilts slightly just prior to grasp and 
the thumb begins to participate more firmly in the grip on objects. 
The infant is so adept that he retains one cube as a second is 



41 PERCEPTUAL AND ADAPTIVE 79 

presented, makes approach, upon a third, and picks up two or three 
cubes in the massed cube situation. He transfers an object from 
one hand to another and retransfers with relative ease if the object 
is not too small. 

The improvements in the technique of prehension at 28 weeks 
are developmentally very significant but they need further refine- 
ment to become adequate for the tasks of fine prehension. The 
28 weeks-old infant often grasps a spoon interdigitally, he places 
his hand rather crudely over a pellet, flexes on it, and usually 
fails to secure it. He is similarly inept in grasping a string. At 3 
weeks he grasps the pellet successfully with increasing use of the 
thumb. At 36 weeks he brings thumb and index finger together 
scissors-wise so effectually that not only the beginning but the 
attainment of elementary thumb opposition may be credited to the 
third trimester. 

The Fourth Quarter (40 to 52 weeks). This period marks the 
attainment of prehension patterns which closely resemble those 
of the adult. It is a striking fact that once the infant has reached 
the level of grasping on sight (24 weeks) it takes him only about a 
half year to bring his performance near the adult level. He must 
be under strong impulsions to reach that level, for, although he will 
sometimes take recourse to primitive methods of grasp and 
approach to secure a coveted object, it is more characteristic for 
him to perseveringly employ a developmental innovation in 
advanced method even at the expense of failure. Immediate effi- 
ciency does not seem to be a rule of developmental economy. 

For this reason we find the effective scissors grasp gradually 
replaced by a forceps procedure in which the radial digits are more 
precisely poised and the ulnar digits increasingly repressed. 
These refinements are not confined to digits and wrist but involve 
the trunk and shoulders as well. This testifies to the underlying 
unity of ontogenetic patterning. Although at early stages the 
shoulder played a leading role in the execution of prehension, it 
does not sink out of the mechanism when less primitive components 
come into prominence. 

41. PERCEPTUAL AND ADAPTIVE BEHAVIOR 

Prenatal and Neonatal Period. The sensory life of the prenate 
is no longer a completely closed book. Numerous observations of 
prematurely born infants under conditions of both natural and 
experimental stimulation have demonstrated a wide range of 



80 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 41 

forms and degrees of receptivity. It has been suggested that the 
motility of the fetus is itself a mode of self -stimulation whereby 
sensory as well as motor development is served. The interaction of 
receptivity and response is probably very intimate in fetal life, 
particularly in the sphere of proprioceptive activity, where even 
slight movement may stimulate the neuromuscular spindles 
embedded in the striped musculature and its tendon insertions. 
Such receptor spindles are extensively found as early as the six- 
teenth prenatal week. The demonstration of deep tendon reflexes 
(response of a muscle on percussion) as early as the eleventh week 
suggests that the proprioceptors play an active role in the prenatal 
ontogenesis of behavior. The relative darkness, silence, and isola- 
tion of the uterus enhance the importance of that role. 

Studies of the reflexogenous areas of the skin in both man and 
animals suggest that cutaneous sensibility is at first especially 
marked in the oral region and tends to spread somewhat progres- 
sively from the head posteriorly. Stroking evokes response earlier 
than punctiform pressure. Light stimulation may evoke positive 
and intense stimuli, negative or withdrawing responses. Sensitivity 
to temperature changes is probably present during the latter half 
of the gestation period. Sensitivity to pain is more in doubt. 
Hunger contractions of the stomach, if not hunger pangs, occur. 
Sensitivity to suffocation may exist although one trend of specula- 
tion has insisted that the fetus lives in an hedonic Eden, rudely 
terminated by the cataclysmic trauma of birth. 

Taste buds are present well before the middle of gestation but 
gustatory experiences must be very limited indeed until after birth. 
The premature infant, however, is able to distinguish sweet from 
salt and sour, and shows smell reactions and evidences of a chem- 
ical sense. The neural and accessory receptor structures for hearing 
are well developed before birth but the fetus is probably deaf to 
ordinary sounds deaf but not necessarily immune to unusually 
loud or jarring noise. The visual receptors are not fully developed 
at birth but again the premature infant proves to be mature 
enough to distinguish between light and darkness and to react 
with the pupillary reflex. 

In spite of his lack of visual experience, the prenate probably 
has a rudimentary sense of tactile localization. We have seen a 
prematurely born infant with a mildly infected eye bring his 
tiny fist unerringly to the focus of irritation. Such accuracy of aim 
signifies a form of localization. 



41 PERCEPTUAL AND ADAPTIVE 281 

The newborn infant is sensitive to variations in light intensities, 
He reacts to a bright light with iris and eyelids. If the stimulus 
is very intense this response involves the whole body with a startle 
reflex. Convergence reflexes are prompt but immature. After the 
second week he follows an object with eye and with head pursuit. 
Head pursuit decreases with age, eyes operating more independ- 
ently. The newborn infant also reacts to loud sounds with a startle 
reflex. To lesser sounds he may react with eye closure, with changes 
of respiration and pulse, and extensor reactions of arms, legs, 
hands, toes, and fingers. Taste reactions are most discriminative 
for sweet and salt; the reactions are expressed by facial expression, 
distinctive sucking responses, and by circulation and respiration 
changes. Sensitiveness to pain stimuli increases definitely in the 
first week after birth. 

The sensory life of the prenate has always been a favorite 
field for speculation. So little is directly knowable that speculation 
breeds readily. We cannot even be certain whether, how much, and 
in what manner the fetus sleeps. If he sleeps, does he waken him- 
self or is he awakened? It is possible that all vegetative functions 
have an overt rather than submerged status in his psychology. It is 
probable that kinesthesia and the closely related static senses are a 
most important aspect of his sensory experience. Postural behavior 
is a profoundly pervasive feature of his life. This behavior may well 
be regulated by his proprioceptors long before outside stimuli 
come to bear upon the cutaneous and retinal receptors. In the 
postnatal cycle these proprioceptors, so well developed in the 
prenatal period, continue to assert their influence, but they play a 
less exclusive role. 

The neonate approximately one week of age rarely wakes of his 
own accord. His major occupations are sleeping, eating, and some 
fussing. They are not sharply separated and may occur in partial 
combination. When his eyes are open he usually stares impassively 
without fixation, without inspection. Sometimes only one eye is 
open. He moves his eyes coordinately but lapses into strabismus. 
He does not regard a rattle when presented in the mid-line or when 
placed in his hand. When a dangling ring is brought into his field of 
vision .he regards it usually after delay and follows it with eye 
pursuit for a short arc. Hearing responses are not always clear cut. 
On. hearing a bell he may react with a blink or a general start, and 
if he is active or fussing he promptly becomes quiescent. He may 
resume crying when the bell ringing ceases. 



282 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 41 

From an ontogenetic standpoint "perceptivity" and "adap- 
tivity" are closely related concepts. Genetically it is impossible 
to identify the beginning of " intelligence " unless we trace symp- 
toms of increasing discriminativeness and selectiveness in sen- 
sorimotor responses, particularly in the field of visual regard. 
Perception, apperception, judgment, insight are similar functions 
and by combining the categories of perceptual and adaptive 
behavior, the ontogenetic equivalents and prerequisites of " intelli- 
gence '" become more apparent. 

The First Quarter (4 to 12 weeks'). The 4 weeks infant stares 
vacantly and detachedly at large masses like windows, ceilings, 
and adults. The range of his vision perhaps to his best develop- 
mental interests is narrowly limited by the side position of his 
head; but within this range he will sometimes pick up visually a 
small object like a dangling ring. Earely does he regard an object 
in the mid-plane; but under social stimulation he may hold his 
head momentarily in the mid position to gaze transiently at his 
mother's face. In the next two months he will develop a similar 
selectivity of regard for the adult hand which comes into his slowly 
widening range of vision. To say that he is perceptually interested 
in motion is not clarifying; because it is things which move and 
through their movements he organizes his perceptual patterns of 
these things. Three "things" which constitute major nuclear 
points for organization in the first quarter are the animated 
adult face, adult hands, and the infant's own hand. Perceptual 
patterns are groupings of anticipations, and these multiply not 
only through the cumulative repetitiveness of his environment, but 
also through the maturationally determined elaborations of his 
sensorimotor equipment. Through primary growth processes his 
head becomes more mobile, his eyes make wider and steadier 
excursions, his arms and hands also gradually become more versa- 
tile through basic postural changes, which have already been 
summarized. These changes play a primary role in the ontogenesis 
of perceptual behavior. Granting a given receptor mechanism, 
the development of perceptual behavior depends on the progressive 
organization of adaptive modes of response. These modes of 
response show increasing specification, and this specification comes 
to wear an aspect of judgment and of insight and perspicacity. 
But from an ontogenetic standpoint the primitive perceptual 
achievements of the neonate also wear such an aspect. 



41 PERCEPTUAL AND ADAPTIVE 283 

At 6 weeks the infant still displays in his starey gaze a predilec- 
tion, though no doubt a more discriminating one, for large objects. 
But at 8 weeks, thanks to a more diversified neuromusculature, 
reinforced perhaps by rotundity of skull conformation, he makes 
rapid, numerous, almost constant shifts of gaze. The staring kind 
of fixation is now secondary. Such fixation is supplemented by 
true inspection of the environment. He may even turn his head 
back to pursue the retreating figure of his mother and show a 
moment of searching when she vanishes. At 12 weeks he may 
even shift his regard up and down from the ring to the hand from 
which the ring dangles. 

From, the standpoint of behavior ontogenesis, such inspectional 
behavior represents a remarkable achievement of profound devel- 
opmental significance. It has no startling prominence in the norma- 
tive schedules; it makes no dramatic entrance into actual life; 
it comes with silent surety. It is genetically in direct lineage with 
more impressive manifestations of perceptual behavior which 
come late in infancy and which are associated in our own minds 
with the functioning of intelligence. 

This inspectional shifting of the eyes undergoes many refine- 
ments and elaborations with growth. Through it are built up 
familiarities with spatial forms, distances, and qualities. The eyes 
must " learn ?> to pursue in horizontal, vertical, and curved direc- 
tions; they must "learn 55 to scan the outlines of objects, to halt 
at corners, to detect depressions, elevations, irregularities. Such 
subtleties are now beyond the ken of the 8 weeks infant. But in 
another 8 weeks he will be able to discern a tiny 7 mm. pellet placed 
before him; and at 40 weeks he will give heed to a small bit of 
lint and he will be visually, as well as emotionally, sensitive to 
slight shadings in the facial expression of his mother. The same 
ontogenetic processes which mold the visual world of the infant 
doubtless continue to operate throughout childhood and adult 
years. Tactile and kinesthetic experience contributes richly to 
this perceptual world, but intrinsic sequences determine the 
general order in which the infant will become sensitive to the 
shape and sizes of things. At the end of the first year he will display 
a significant prior perceptiveness of circularity as opposed to 
squareness. 

The Second Quarter (16 to 24 weeks) . At 16 and 20 weeks head 
control is becoming versatile and the nimbleness and range of 
visual perception are thereby widened; but even at 16 weeks the 



284 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 41 

infant is still given to protracted moments of starey fixation and of 
passive regard. He retains a perceptual predilection for his own 
hand. However, he can see a pellet. It is characteristic of him to 
pay only momentary regard to a cube; but he looks at it recur- 
rently. This recurrency of regard is a significant developmental 
item which shows the close relationship between sensory, percep- 
tual, and intelligence factors ; for recurrence of regard denotes a 
kind of memory and a projection of attention which is fundamental 
to adaptive mental processes at a higher level. At 24 weeks, his 
perception or his attention is so sustained that he regards a cube 
consistently (that is, with only minor diversions) throughout the 
situation. But perception still makes demands on him, for he drops 
the first cube when the second is presented. Not until the third 
quarter does he retain the first cube while he addresses himself 
to the second. 

The Third Quarter (28 to 36 weeks). The head became versatile 
in the previous trimester, the hand becomes versatile in this one. 
This hand versatility has already been mentioned in connection 
with the growth of prehension. Here it is important to emphasize 
that such increased dexterity carries with it many behavior values 
of perceptual import. The hand is less paw-like, the wrist hinges, 
the forearm rotates. The tactile sensitivity of the palm and proxi- 
mal phalanges probably increases, and the proprioceptors of the 
many joints and muscles of the hand come into fuller play. Cause 
and effect are so reciprocal that it is useless to ask whether motility 
or sensibility comes first. But the hand becomes more of an 
antenna, an organ of palpation as well as of manipulation. It is 
used more discriminatingly both in approach and in handling. 
The 28 weeks-old infant, for example, inverts the hand for making 
approach to the bell; he also uses the handle in lifting the cup; 
when an object is in hand he tends to transfer it and to rotate it. 
He is much preoccupied by an object in hand. He even regards a 
pellet consistently even though he fails to grasp it. Eye and hand 
now function in very close interaction, each reinforcing the other, 
each guiding the other. 

As it was typical for the 12 weeks infant to inspect surround- 
ings, it is typical for the 28 weeks infant to inspect an object in 
hand. Both activities involve shifts of visual regard and a correla- 
tion of visual and kinesthetic experience. From an adultomorphic 
point of view, we probably underrate the complexity of the younger 
infant's perceptual achievements; but it is true that the manipula- 



41 PERCEPTUAL AND ADAPTIVE 285 

tion of an object with a mobile forearm and a flexible wrist adds 
greatly to the diversification of experience. The 28 weeks-old infant 
seizes a cube, senses surface and edges with his grasp, lifts the cube 
to the mouth, feels its qualities per mouth, withdraws the cube, 
looks at it on withdrawal as he rotates it, restores it to his mouth, 
withdraws it and again inspects with rotation, transfers it to the 
other hand, bangs it, contacts it with the free hand, restores the 
cube to the mouth, etc. All of this is perceptual behavior; it 
transpires in a few seconds; it illustrates the ontogenetic method 
by winch perceptions multiply and pattern. Sense organ physiology 
of the elementary textbook variety tends to oversimplify percep- 
tion. Perceptual behavior is extraordinarily complicated and it 
takes time to mature. 

This active, manipulatory type of behavior is adaptive as well 
as perceptual, for it constantly reveals to the infant the physical 
relationships of things. Banging, for example, entails vision, hear- 
ing, tactility, kinesthetics. In its more primitive form "banging" 
seems to be undiscriminating and crude. But with age it becomes 
more restrained, less repetitive, and somewhat more exploratory. 
Perception is not simply reception, but is fused with exploitiveness, 
which brings it into the realm of adaptive behavior. 

The Fourth Quarter (40 to 52 weeks). In the second quarter the 
head, in the third, the hand, and in the fourth, the fingers show an 
increase of versatility of movement. This is a natural correlate of 
the proximal-distal trend in the development of perception and of 
adaptive manipulation. The two important radial digits, fore- 
finger and thumb, acquire a high degree of independence which 
leads to refinement and precision of response. The extended, prying 
index finger is outward evidence of the ontogenetic elaboration 
which is taking place. The 40 weeks infant pokes the pellet, the 
44 weeks infant pokes the clapper of the bell, the 48 weeks infant 
pokes his finger into the small hole of the performance box. 
Such behavior signifies a progressive perceptual penetration into 
the third dimension of things. 

Since this behavior is so inquisitive in both a visual and a 
tactile motor sense, it leads to the discovery and the control of 
relations between things. The infant is less restrictively preoccupied 
with a single object. He reacts to two. He manifests a new aware- 
ness of a something else, a sense of twoness, of container and 
contained, of top and bottom, of side-by-side, and even of cause 
and effect. He does not entertain these relationships in the form 



286 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 42 

of concepts or ideas; but on a practical sensorimotor level he 
perceives and even reinstates the relationships. He also becomes 
knowingly perceptive of what others do, and in increasing measure, 
he reduplicates their models of behavior in his own behavior. 
Indeed, he comes so near to our own methods of practical thinking 
that now we accord him attributes of intelligence and insight. 

But he does not come into possession of these attributes through 
the emergence of some generalized dynamic function. The method 
of ontogenesis remains what it was in the fetal and neonatal 
periods, a continuation of a progressive patterning of innumerable 
specific modes of response. 

The trend and the configuration of this patterning can be best 
illustrated by behavior items which lend themselves to arrange- 
ment on a maturity gradient. At 40 weeks he combines cube and 
cube or cup and cube; at 44 weeks he hits the cube on the table with 
one in hand; at 48 weeks he brings a cube over the cup; and at 
5 weeks he releases the cube in the cup. Here is the paradigm for 
endless permutations of combining activity, always closely limited, 
however, by the attained stage of perceptual organization and of 
neuromotor equipment. 

A few miscellaneous items will recall more concretely the range 
and variety of his adaptive, combining behavior in the last quarter 
of the first year. He rings the bell after demonstration (40 weeks) ; 
he grasps the string immediately to pull the ring (40 weeks) ; he 
dangles the ring by the string (48 weeks); he brings the crayon 
to bear upon paper (44 weeks) ; his scribbling response improves 
with demonstration (52 weeks) ; he inserts the rod in the per- 
formance box spontaneously (48 weeks) ; he places the round block 
in the formboard (52 weeks). 

All of these adaptive behavior traits could be formulated with 
emphasis on their perceptual components; and conversely, the 
development of perceptual behavior could be construed in terms 
of its adaptivity. We have already noted how performance is 
influenced by the prehensory mechanisms and how these in turn 
are dependent on postural development. All these interrelations 
arise out of the essential unity of ontogenetic patterning. 

42. SOCIAL AND LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 

Prenatal and Neonatal Period. From a biological point of 
view it is easy to exaggerate the changes which are wrought by 
the event of birth. The developmental continuities which unite the 



42 SOCIAL AND LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 87 

prenatal and postnatal periods should always be stressed. In the 
realm of social and language behavior, however, we can only 
demonstrate antecedents for behavior patterns which belong 
uniquely to the postnatal period. It is possible that the prenate 
acquires a few habituations or conditioned responses which have 
a remote social origin in the life of the mother; and if he is pre- 
maturely born he may to a meager, subtle degree respond to social 
stimulation during the period of his prematurity. But beyond such 
exceptions the formation of social behavior belongs peculiarly to 
postnatal infancy. 

The newborn infant (1 week) already has the neuromusculature 
to make facial grimaces and in moments of sneezing and yawning 
his countenance shows considerable mobility. He is, however, 
socially deaf and blind to the approach of another person who 
bends over him and gives him every social provocation to respond. 
But he is not completely numb, for he seems to soothe when he is 
picked up and held. This tactile responsiveness must be set down 
as an early genetic item in the social column. During the neonatal 
month the infant forms numerous anticipations which arise out of 
personal care and which therefore have social import. Even at 
4 weeks the infant still exhibits characteristics reminiscent of his 
immaturity at birth. Sneezing, yawning, and startling and spon- 
taneous clonus of the jaws occur with a frequency not observed at 
later ages. 

The First Quarter (4 to 12 weeks). At 4 weeks he fixates rather 
readily on a face that confronts him. His own facial activity may 
subdue or slightly brighten, but the transient perceptual intentness 
is his chief reaction. At 6 weeks, too, facial expression tends to 
subdue; regard is more prolonged and the head shows a ten- 
dency to shift briefly to the mid position under social stimulation. 

At 8. weeks the infant is already a personal individual, even 
though a rudimentary one, in the family circle. His facial expression 
is more alert, more animated, more adaptive to other persons, 
whether these persons stand near or move about. The searching 
perseveration of the infant when a person suddenly vanishes from 
his view has already been commented on as a perceptual phe- 
nomenon. It is of course also a social phenomenon and that it 
should assert itself so precociously in relation to the human face 
is highly significant. Under social stimulation the 8 weeks infant 
also displays increased general activity, accelerated respiration, 
and even melodious cooing. Social behavior shows no lag in post- 



THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 42 

natal ontogenesis. Indeed it shows a certain developmental pre- 
cocity. It appears that nearly all of his behavior arises in a social 
matrix. 

At I weeks social regard is still better defined. Smiles occur in 
rapid succession, followed by more prolonged, higher pitched 
vocalization, expiratory ahs, ehs, uhs, and even urns, gurgling, and 
chuckling. Such behavior characteristics abundantly testify to the 
sociality of the infant even in the first quarter of the first year. 

The Second Quarter (16 to 4 weeks). During this period the 
cumulative effects of the infant's daily routine assert themselves 
in the organization of his social behavior. He comes to "know" 
his mother in a very elaborate though inarticulate way by virtue 
of the innumerable expectancies implanted through feeding, bath- 
ing, dressing, and toilet, nursery play, and expressions of affection. 

In this summary it would serve no purpose to interpret his 
behavior in terms of drives or generalized dynamic functions. 
We prefer to stress the structured substance of the infant's social 
behavior equipment, and this consists of concrete expectancies, 
patterned predispositions which arise out of the physical and the 
personal events of his domestic life. The ontogenesis of perceptual 
behavior and of social behavior is essentially similar. The two 
fields can be separated only in analysis, for there are socialized 
ingredients in the infant's perception of his bottle, his mother's 
hand, his cup, and spoon, and clothes. As the infant's perceptual 
abilities and experience increase so his social apperception deepens 
and becomes discriminative. 

At 16 weeks the infant sobers at the sight of a stranger. In the 
next quarter (32 weeks) he may actively withdraw from a stranger. 
At 16 weeks he turns his head to the voice, an important develop- 
mental gain which yields him much socially in a well-constituted 
home. 

During the second quarter the infant completes most of the 
technical foundation for verbal articulation. In his spontaneous 
vocalizations he produces the vowels, consonants,, and many of 
the syllables and diphthongs he will later use in speech. He pro- 
duces many more which, lacking social sanction, will never be 
crystallized into words. 

Although this early phonetic utterance constitutes in a sen- 
sorimotor way a complex wealth of behavior patterning, it is only 
the instrumental or technical aspect of language. More funda- 
mental from the standpoint of ontogenetic patterning is the sub- 



42 SOCIAL AND LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 289 

structure of behavior mores and of social understanding. Com- 
prehension of postural attitudes, movements, and gesticulations 
and an intricate web of motorized predispositions, arising out of 
the situations of everyday life these are prerequisite to all social 
exchange, including the use and recognition of spoken words. This 
comprehension is affective as well as cognitive and lies at the basis 
of social relations. Social behavior patterning therefore begins with 
birth and continues unabated throughout infancy. The growth of 
social and language behavior proceeds by cumulation as well as 
by differentiation and integration. 

The Third Quarter (8 to 36 weeks) . In this quarter the spoken 
word is nearing a defined status in the life of the infant. He himself 
duplicates a syllable and vocalizes combinations like dada at 3 
weeks; at 36 weeks he listens to a word and makes some adjust- 
ment to it. In the next quarter he will give still more discriminating 
heed to words, will adjust to a simple learned command at 44 
weeks and to inhibitory words at the age of one year. 

In the third quarter he widens the range of his acquaintance 
with persons and shows differentiated social responses to them. 
He demonstrates increasing discrimination in his social evaluations 
and unless he is of very hardy temperament he is likely to withdraw 
from strangers at 3 and at 36 weeks. Through sheer habituation 
as well as maturity, he steadily increases his "knowledge" of how 
human beings behave and this is incorporated into the patterns 
of his own social reactions. He could not be asocial, even if he 
would. 

In a comparative sense, however, the third quarter of life is 
distinguished by a certain self-containedness. The infant takes 
great delight in the exercise of his own abilities, without referring 
this activity to the onlooker. He exploits even a single object for 
long periods in a highly extrovert manner. If he senses no insecurity 
or strangeness (and his capacity to do this is a very important social 
trait) he can be contented with himself and his own devices for 
long periods. 

This self-containedness is a developmental symptom and per- 
haps a safeguard. For this is the period when zealous adults impute 
to him a kind or degree of sociality which he lacks, and go to great 
extreme to teach him highly socialized nursery tricks. If he had a 
general social instinct of docility he would learn a great many 
of these household accomplishments; but nature has protected 
him. This is the period in which through ceaseless prehension and 



290 THE ONTOGENETIC PATTERNING 42 

manipulation he acquires his groundwork of physics ; his acquaint- 
ance with the most elementary properties of things. He does not 
yet to any great degree bring even two or three things into relation- 
ship with each other; but single objects he appropriates and exploits 
with much concentration. But in the next period, combinations of 
objects, increasing sensitiveness to a personal environment, and a 
deepening appreciation of the relations between things and 
human agents, tend to take him out of his self-containedness and 
make of him a more social being. 

The Fourth Quarter (40 to 52 weeks). Forty weeks marks the 
rise of a stronger and in some ways a new social susceptibility to 
words, to gestures, and to demonstrations. The intentness with 
which the 40 and 44 weeks infant pays regard to what another 
person does contrasts significantly with the relative heedlessness 
and nonperceptiveness of the 32 weeks infant. Frequently the 40 
weeks infant will not combine cup and spoon, for example, except 
after a demonstration; and throughout the fourth quarter the 
combining responses tend definitely to improve after demonstra- 
tion. Evidence of induced and imitative behavior is especially 
marked at 52 and at 56 weeks. 

The increasing susceptibility to social impress does not lead to 
parasitism for there is an obverse side to the infant's social reaction. 
In much the same way that he comes to perceive relationships 
between pellet and bottle he gradually comes to perceive that 
others are socially susceptible to him, that is to his words, gestures, 
and demonstrations. Here is a good rule which works both ways. 

The ontogenesis of the patterning of social behavior cannot be 
understood unless this reciprocal nature of social relationships is 
recognized. This reciprocity not only intensifies social interaction, 
but it preserves a working balance between the individual and the 
group. The infant not only pat-a-cakes out of acquiescence to the 
group but also to gratify a certain not altogether fictitious sense 
of dominance over the group. 

The infant shows a significant tendency to repeat performances 
laughed at. He pleases himself thereby as much as his audience. 
Through such situations he builds up the patterns of his individ- 
uality and enjoys a growing sense of personality. 

Toward the close of the first year he begins to use vocal signs 
and words in situations highly charged with social values. If neces- 
sary he may even cough or clear his throat to elicit attention! 
But he also uses more primitive forms of communication and of 



4 SOCIAL AND LANGUAGE BEHAVIOR 291 

control, gestures, crying, and numerous kinds of negative behavior. 
The kind of language he utilizes depends first of all upon maturity 
factors. Much, however, depends upon the kind of rearing he has 
had and the type of temperament he has inherited. Here normative 
criteria are almost impossible to formulate. Some infants show 
surprising stolidity and imperturbability; others an equal degree of 
sensitiveness and a tendency to neurotic utilization. A few, even 
in infancy, show an extraordinary perceptiveness of the emotions 
of others, and a superior capacity to influence and to adjust to 
those emotions adaptively as part of the game of living. 

The responses of the infant in the "Give it to me'* situation 
show in outline significant stages of development in the sphere of 
social behavior. During the third quarter the child holds rather 
fast to a toy in hand. He is self-contained. Although he may permit 
its removal he does not usually extend it to the requesting hand. 
At 40 weeks there is an even chance that he will extend the toy; 
at 44 weeks there is a similar chance, and at 48 weeks a strong 
chance that he will place the object in the requesting hand. At 
5 weeks he will release it in the hand. 

He is now socially compliant. But at 56 weeks a new reaction 
asserts itself. He is less naive in his surrender and he hesitates or 
refuses to give up the toy because he now fears that release may 
mean loss of the toy. Thus he becomes less docile, less socially 
suggestible, more resistant; at a higher level he is again more 
self-contained. Checks and balances are necessary to preserve the 
individuality of the infant and we see these operating in the way 
in which he ignores and sometimes healthily defies social pressure. 
Society itself has no regulations which work so advantageously 
for the individual as his own growth mechanisms. 



CHAPTEK FIVE 
MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 

The Role of Maturation in the Patterning of Behavior 

IN THE foregoing chapters the chief aim has been to set forth 
the facts of behavior growth in an orderly manner. The treat- 
ment has been analytic and descriptive, and only incidentally 
interpretive. We have not hesitated, however, to point out that 
the progressions in the patterning of behavior raise insistent ques- 
tions concerning the endogenous mechanisms of mental growth, 
It seems desirable to discuss these questions in a general manner, 
with special regard to their theoretical implications. 

Maturation is a term which serves to define the implications. 
The term has come increasingly into use, probably as an offset 
to the extravagant claims which have been made for processes of 
conditioning and of habit formation. In spite of its partial vague- 
ness the concept of maturation should prove a useful aid both to 
experimental investigations and to theoretical interpretation. 
The present chapter attempts to indicate the role of maturation in 
the early patterning of human behavior and will consider the 
related concepts of heredity, environment, learning, growth, and 
development. 

If we manage to envisage maturation as an active physiological 
process, we overcome the rather stilted antithesis of the nature 
versus nurture problem. Galton tells us that in his day the very 
term heredity was strange. With the advent of Mendelism the 
term took on popularity and became oversimplified. Individual 
unit characters of inheritance were too specifically identified with 
discrete chromosome particles, and heredity came to be regarded 
too mechanically as a fixed mode of transmission. Geneticists now 
emphasize the fact that these particles are chemicals which interact 
with each other and with many other factors to produce the 
organism. And if we but knew the biochemistry and biophysics 
of the interactions we should be making much less earnest use of 
such words as heredity, environment, and maturation. 

292 



43 CONCEPTS OF DEVELOPMENT 293 

43. CONCEPTS OF DEVELOPMENT AND ENVIRONMENT 

The heredity and environment of an organism can be com- 
pletely separated only in analytic thinking, for in actual nature 
such separation would lead to instant death of the organism, even 
though the philosopher making the analysis might himself survive. 
Life depends upon " extraneous'* factors like ultra-violet rays 
rays which would become lethal if not filtered by the earth's thin 
layer of ozone. Life is dependent upon combined or fixed water of 
crystallization, often on free water, and on carbonic acid. L. J. 
Henderson (24)* has dwelt both scientifically and philosophically on 
the peculiar fitness of the inorganic world for life. There is a "fit- 
ness of environment' 1 " which is quite as impressive as the fitness of 
organisms. Development can not be understood unless both forms 
of fitness are coordinately recognized. "Just because life must 
exist in the universe, just because the living thing must be made of 
matter in space and actuated by energy in time, it is conditioned. 
In so far as this is a physical and chemical world, life must manifest 
itself through more or less complicated, more or less durable 
physico-chemical systems.'* 

Development is a process in which the mutual fitness of 
organism and environment is brought to progressive realization. 
This process may be thought of mystically; but scientifically it is a 
series of biochemical, morphogenetic events: a process of con- 
tinuous differentiation, "coordinated in time and place, leading 
to specific ends/* It is unnecessary to draw an absolute distinction 
between physical and mental developments. They occur in close 
association and may be considered basically unitary. Both express 
themselves in changes of form and of patterning, which may be 
investigated from a morphological standpoint. 

Likewise it is unnecessary, and even undesirable, to insist upon 
a distinction between growth and development. We shall use these 
terms interchangeably and make them equally applicable to mind 
and body. In proper context the word growth may be used to 
designate augmentation or increase instead of differentiation of 
structure and of function. This, however, represents a purely 
analytic abstraction because all organic growth actually involves 
changes in configuration and organization. Growth always pro- 
duces alterative as well as magnitude changes. 

*The figures in parentheses refer by number to tie references listed in the bibliog- 
raphy at the end of this chapter, sec, 57, p. S3. 



94 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 43 

Mental growth (or development), therefore, is a progressive 
differentiation and integration of the action systems and behavior 
patterns of the total organism. Without implying any dualism, 
it is suggested that mental growth, like physical growth, is a 
process of morphological organization. 

The term maturation also is equally applicable to mental and 
physical phenomena. Maturation is the intrinsic component of 
development (or of growth) which determines the primary morpho- 
genesis and the endogenous variabilities of the life cycle. Although 
the word growth is sometimes loosely used as synonymous with 
maturation, the former is the more comprehensive term including 
all the developmental differentiations of the organism in response 
to external as well as internal environments. 

Learning, in a psychological sense, may be regarded as that 
aspect of growth (or of development) which is a functional per- 
fecting of behavior adaptation to specific situations present or 
past. Thus defined, there is a distinction between maturation and 
learning which may be applied in the study of problems of child 
development. Experimentally it is difficult to demonstrate the 
distinction because growth itself is a highly unitary process which 
depolarizes the two opposing categories of heredity and environ- 
ment. Growth is not an easily dissected function in which elements 
of inheritance are readily distinguished from factors of environ- 
ment or of training. The constitution and conditions of the organ- 
ism are intimately interdependent/The organismic pattern of one 
moment, responsive to both internal and external environment, 
influences the pattern of succeeding moments. In a measure 
previous environmental effects are perpetuated by incorporation 
with constitution. Growth continuously contributes to its own 
conditions. It is subject to the regulatory influence of the very 
products of growth. Present growth hinges on. past growth. 

Accordingly there is a very reciprocal interrelationship between 
heredity and environment. The intimacy of this relationship may 
not, however, prevent us from ascribing a priority and possibly 
even some preponderance to hereditary factors in the patterning 
of human behavior. Although it is a truism, it should be empha- 
sized that no environment as such has the capacity of growth. 
Environmental factors support, inflect, and modify, "but do not 
generate the progressions of development. Growth as an impulsion 
and as a cycle of events is uniquely a character of the living 
organism and neither physical nor social environment contains 



44 GROWTH CYCLE AND GENES 295 

any architectonic arrangements even analogous to the mechanism 
of growth. 

44. THE GROWTH CYCLE AND GENES 

And where does this growth cycle of events have its source? 
We shall briefly consider some of the biological facts which underlie 
the development of the human embryo, since the v role and the 
manner of maturation in the shaping of the individual are fore- 
shadowed in the earliest genetic stages. 

It seems that the first ground plan of the body is due to the 
mother alone. In certain animals in which the cytoplasm carries 
coloring matter, the first steps in the development of the egg, prior 
to fertilization, have been minutely followed. The nucleus, consist- 
ing of chromosomes, which in turn consist of genes, enlarges by 
taking fluid from the cytoplasm. The membrane of the swollen 
nucleus (or germinal vesicle) dissolves and fluid passes into 
the cytoplasm. These physical and chemical interactions between 
nucleus and cytoplasm constitute a fundamental process of 
development. They take place at every subsequent cell division, 
in the millions of individual cells which comprise the organism (81). 

But in the single cell stage, the entire interior of the ovum is 
observed to transform, to rearrange itself, to take on a definite 
structure. Three zones corresponding to the outer body, the ali- 
mentary canal, and the skeletal and other parts of the organism 
define themselves, "the first visible diversities produced in develop- 
ment." It is a remarkable fact that the foundation plan of the 
individual is thus laid down under the influence of the mother's 
genes only. This reflects the indigenous nature of the original 
growth potency, which has already been emphasized. Do the genes 
ever lose a control in the patterning of the organism? 

With fertilization, half the genes from the mother (one from 
each pair in the chromosomes of the ovum) are lost and replaced 
by corresponding genes from the father. Egg (the maternal gamete) 
and sperm (the paternal gamete) combine to form the zygote which 
becomes, or indeed already is, the individual. This individual 
grows by cell division and cell differentiation, passing through a 
continuum of phases which together constitute the life cycle; 
the germinal, embryonic, fetal, and neonatal phases, followed by 
infancy, childhood, adolescence, maturity, and senescence. In 
this inescapable succession of life stages we have the broadest 
expression of maturational factors. It must be remembered that 



296 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 45 

the genes find lodgment not only in the reproductive cells but in 
all the somatic cells. Into each cell of each tissue and of every 
bodily organ go appropriate subdivisions of both paternal and 
maternal genes. These ancestral genes are found in every neurone. 
They produce, as well, the hormones which secondarily regulate 
the development at all ages, prenatal and postnatal. It is these 
genes which are the focal sources of directive and constructive 
energy. They interact with the cytoplasm, which is always influ- 
enced by intracellular and extracellular environment; but the 
primary physiological factor in this interaction traces to the gene. 
To this degree the genes always figure in the physiology of develop- 
ment from the moment before conception to death. Moreover, 
Morgan has suggested that every gene affects the entire organism 
(38). Surely they must contribute substantially to the determina- 
tion of individual differences, not excluding behavior differences 
among children and men. 

Are these genes more than a hypothetical formula? They are 
realities. They are too small to be actually seen by the ultra- 
microscope; but by experimental methods as many as 50 have been 
identified in one chromosome of the fruit fly. Maps even have been 
drawn up showing the relative positions of such genes in the 
chromosome. Estimating the number of genes through the muta- 
tions produced by x-rays in thousands of flies, the total number 
in one cell is said to be not less than 14,380, The size of a single gene 
measures about one-quintillionth of a cubic centimeter, or the 
equivalent in volume of fifteen protein molecules. 

In these myriad genes we have an ample basis for the operation 
of maturational processes throughout the whole life span of the 
individual including infancy. The genes should not be thought of 
as little eugenic packets which determine hereditary characteristics 
prior to birth. They should be thought of as the biochemical 
agencies which constantly participate in the complex physiology 
of both prenatal and postnatal development. 

45, THE EXPERIMENTAL ANALYSIS OP DEVELOPMENT 

The knowledge of the nature of this complex physiology is 
increasing at a significant rate. Three monumental volumes on 
chemical embryology have appeared (39) and there is a .stupendous 
literature in experimental embryology which deals especially with 
the mechanisms of growth regulation -investigations of symmetry, 
size, form; the eifects of light, heat, cold, gravity, and chemical 
solutions; and irradiations* 



45 EXPERIMENTAL ANALYSIS 297 

The surgical analysis of the problems of morphogenesis has been 
especially ingenious and revealing. The same methods used on 
human beings would produce Frankensteins, but the methods 
may be safely used with lowly organisms like the sea urchin and 
salamander. Fragments of the growing organism are accurately 
destroyed, or removed from one part and grafted into another. 
Limbs of the salamander are transplanted to grotesquely inappro- 
priate regions of the body. An embryonic eye is shifted to an 
abdominal position to determine the ability of the rudimentary 
optical cells to induce the growth of a lens in surrounding tissue. 
A section of the embryonic spinal cord may be transected at two 
levels, lifted out, reversed, and replaced in position to determine 
whether the growing part recovers its proper orientation or polar- 
ity . Presumptive ectoderm may be grafted into mesoderm and 
vice versa. Tissue cells may be removed completely from the organ- 
ism to be grown in the monastic isolation of tissue cultures. The 
cells of the embryo of one species may be lifted to fill a surgical 
cavity created in the protoplasm of a foreign species. The presump- 
tive mouth of a newt may be substituted for the presumptive 
mouth of a toad, and so forth. And the tendency of growth to 
achieve expression is so powerful that an amazing array of these 
surgical manipulations are experimentally successful. 

Although these investigations in experimental embryology are 
concerned with the biological environnu nt of laboratory organisms 
the mechanisms revealed throw suggestive light on the psycho- 
logical problem of maturation. It has boon shown that organic 
growth does not proceed in an absolutely predeteTmincei and 
stereotyped manner. By transplanting just the right amount of 
embryonic 1 tissue, at just the right time to the right position in the 
body of a growing salamander, a potential eye may be converted 
into a gill or a gill into an eye. The conditions of surrounding tissue 
affect the fate of the growing part. But if the transplant is made 
at a later stage the potential tye, truer to itself than to the strange 
surroundings, becomes an eye even on the abdomen. 

There are groups of cells (in the salamander they lie within the 
dorsal lip of the blastoporc or embryonic mouth) which have the 
peculiar power of directing the differentiation in neighboring cells. 
Such a cell group, called an organising center, regulates the direc- 
tions of development and the map of differentiation, but the cells 
once differentiated remain true to their chromosomal competition. 
Species characteristics persist. If the leg of a salamander of species 



298 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 46 

A is grafted into the body of a salamander of species B, the trans- 
planted leg develops according to species A, and does not trans- 
mute into B. If the developing egg of a mammalian species C, is 
transplanted to a foster mother (species D), the egg does not take 
on the constitutional characteristics of species D. In sum, although 
the experimental analyses of development have demonstrated at 
every turn the responsiveness of the growth complex to external 
and internal conditions, these studies have also shown the existence 
of a profound stabilizing mechanism which regulates the degrees 
and the modes of the plasticity and limits the final manifestations 
of growth. 

46. THE STRUCTURAL BASIS OF BEHAVIOR PATTERN 

In the notable investigations of G. E. Coghill (8, 10), the 
embryonic development of the nervous system of the salamander 
(Amblystoma punctatwri) has been charted in minute detail. These 
studies have correlated the anatomical and physiological aspects of 
growth in a way which throws light on the most general principles 
of behavior patterning. A major conclusion is formulated as 
follows: "Behavior develops from the beginning through the 
progressive expansion of a perfectly integrated total pattern and 
the individuation within it of partial patterns which acquire 
various degrees of discreteness." 

"The mechanism of the total behavior pattern is a growing 
thing." The nervous system dominates, integrates, and elaborates 
this pattern through processes of growth. But even before the 
embryo of the salamander has a nervous system it is a perfectly 
integrated organism. Its processes of tissue growth are coordinated 
and progress in an orderly manner under the regulative influence 
of organizing centers, metabolic gradients, and gradients of electro- 
potential. Longitudinal sensory and motor tracts are the first to 
emerge from these gradients while other parts of the nervous 
system are still in an embryonic, preneural stage of development. 
The nervous system controls the total behavior pattern as this 
pattern expands, but the preneural system of integration overlaps 
the neural; and individual neurones, including motor neurones, 
grow in an embryonic manner long after they are already functional 
conductors. These growth relationships demonstrated by actual 
microscopic studies give solid content to the concept of maturation. 

The function of the nervous system is to maintain the integrity 
of the organism. The nervous system grows according to Its own 
intrinsic pattern and thereby establishes the primary forms of 



46 STRUCTURAL BASIS 299 

behavior. These forms are not determined by stimulation from 
the outside world. Experience has nothing specifically to do with 
them. Coghill has shown that the primary nervous mechanism 
of walking (in the AmUystoma) is laid down before the animal can 
at all respond to its environment. Similarly, the sense organs are 
the last elements of the vestibular system to maturate. The central 
relation of the neurones of the postural mechanism must therefore 
be determined without reference to the peripheral stimulation of 
the sense organs concerned." "The pre-sexisory growth of the 
cerebral mechanism may accordingly be regarded as determining 
what the attitude of the individual as a whole shall be toward the 
environment before the organism can take cognizance physiologic- 
ally of its environment/* The primary attitude of the organism 
and the initiative of attitude are thus intrinsically determined. 

Behavior, however, is not stereotyped even in the Amblystoma. 
Experience has much to do in determining when and to what extent 
performance will take place. To provide for this "conditioning" 
of behavior, there is a working capital of suprasensory and supra- 
associational neurones. The fibers from these neurones always 
grow into the sensorimotor field of action, becoming consolidated 
with the primary structural counterpart of the form of the be- 
havior pattern. 

"It is possible also that conditioning processes are registered in 
structural counterparts in the sense that neural mechanisms 
acquire functional specificity with reference to the experience. 
In the counterpart of the form of the pattern, the specificity of 
function is fixed by the relations into which the elements grow. 
In the counterpart of experience, on the other hand, specificity 
of function is established by interaction of growth and excitation; 
that is to say, the excitation fixes upon the growing terminals of 
neurones its own mode of activation. In the conditioning mecha- 
nism in general, as in the case of the Rohon-Beard cell, according 
to this hypothesis, laws of growth determine the structural relation 
of conductors, but their specific sensitivity is fixed by the mode of 
excitation. 

"In the motor mechanism of Amblystoma we see structural 
counterparts of attitudes which are released into action of definite 
form in appropriate situations. It is possible that in the condition- 
ing mechanisms, also, situations organise themselves into definite 
structural counterparts through, the interaction of growth and 
excitation/ 9 .; ". . ' " ; . . -. . .. .'' ' , : . 



300 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 47 

47. THE ROLE OF MATURATION 

On' such an anatomical basis the processes of maturation and of 
learning may be brought into closer identification. It becomes more 
possible to resolve the antithesis of fixity and flexibility of response. 
The mechanisms of maturation rigidly conceived would lead to 
stereotypy of behavior, but not if there is an intimately associated 
mechanism for specific adaptations. These two mechanisms are 
not discrete, nor does environment operate on one to the exclusion 
of the other. They function together as a single mechanism which 
is constantly consolidated through the unifying processes of growth. 
And by growth we do not mean a mystical essence, but a physio- 
logical process of organization which is registered In the structural 
and functional unity of the total behavior pattern of the individual. 

As far as the deeper principles and mechanism of growth are 
concerned, there can be no abysmal difference between the pat- 
terning of behavior in the Amblystoma and in the infant. Although 
the underlying neuroanatomical details are now more completely 
known for the salamander and although the neural overgrowth 
of the cerebrum is vastly more complex in the human organism, 
the elementary developmental physiology of the constituent 
neurones may be assumed to be essentially alike m both species. 
Endocrine feeding has demonstrated fundamental biochemical 
identities. That the basic role of maturation even in the spheres 
of learning may be fully recognized, It should be pointed out that 
the associative neural structures concerned with the highest forms 
of mental adaptation in man are brought to an advanced stage of 
developmental organization in* the early fetal period, long before 
these structures serve their most refined functions of specific 
and orientational adaptation. Such anticipation in the histologieal 
"morphology" of the nervous system determines the primary 
attitudes, the intrinsic initiative of . attitude, "the forward refer- 
ence" of behavior of the organism emphasized by Ilerriek ($5) 
as well as Coghill (8). In the very nature of things the quality and 
primary architecture of this neural mechanism must be a product 
of inherent growth, determined by the genes. Here lies at least the 
foundation of individual differences in the patterning of behavior. 
To this extent the factors of maturation assert their sway even in 
the sphere of learning. 

The concrete and substantial data which have accumulated 
through the experimental analysis of development m the lower 



48 PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 301 

forms furnish a solid basis for the preliminary interpretation of the 
role of maturation in the patterning of human behavior. This 
statement assumes that the biochemistry and mechanics of human 
development are in a considerable measure prefigured in the growth 
of lower organisms. But even if we should postulate that the 
physicochemical system of the human cortex has distinctive 
characters, it is altogether unnecessary to assume that these 
characters are entirely unique and incomparable with the phy- 
siological processes prevailing in the neural tissues of organisms 
lower in the evolutionary scale. 

The role of maturation in the patterning of human behavior 
will be briefly discussed, under the following rubrics : (a) physical 
constitution; (&) the ontogenetic sequence; (c) developmental 
correspondence in twins; (d) inherited behavior characteristics; 
(e) the development of sensorimotor functions; (/) intellectual 
and affective life. 

48. PHYSICAL CONSTITUTION 

The operation of maturational factors in the first structuring 

of the embryo has already been incidentally considered. The 
early period of organogenesis antedates the period when behavior 

patterning begins. It cannot be doubted that this organogenesis 
is largely controlled by maturational factors. The morphology 
of the organs and the order of their appearance are primarily 

determined by the genetic system interacting with intracellular 
and intercellular environmental conditions. The end products of 
this early growth, both normal and atypical, project themselves 
as constitutional and .even as type characteristics throughout 
the later life cycle. 

The projective perpetuation of such constitutional charac- 
teristics is well illustrated in hemihypertrophy. Hemihypertrophy 
is a developmental anomaly which produces a more or less com- 
plete unilateral asymmetric enlargement of the individual Hemi- 
hypertrophy may be regarded as a minimal form of twinning which 
occurs as an imbalance of the normal embryonic process of bilateral 
cell division, bringing about disturbances of normal tissue develop- 
ment. As a consequence of these disturbances of tissue develop- 
ment, hemihypertrophy is frequently associated with mental 
defect. This rare anomaly is instructive because it provides a 
glimpse of the 'inner mechanisms of. development and demonstrates 
that the internal regulation of the process of growth has> from the 



30 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 49 

beginning, a powerful influence in shaping the characteristics of 
the individual (17). 

There is no evidence that hemihypertrophy is due to an heredi- 
tary defect in the genes. It more probably rises out of an epigenetic 
factor in the internal environment, which slightly distorts the 
normally symmetrical processes of developmental duplication. 
The mechanism of normal symmetry is impaired because of some 
inexactness in the physical environment or some partial retarda- 
tion, resulting in uneven oxygen formation (45). To what extent 
many problems of symmetry and asymmetry, including eyedness, 
handedness, and other forms of unilaterality, trace back to the 
period of embryogenesis is not known. The condition of hemi- 
hypertrophy, however, is very significant because it shows the 
importance of the maintenance of balance in tissue development. 
Doubtless many deviations of physical constitution trace back 
to this embryonic period, and, because growth is consistently 
integrative, such constitutional differences influence the course 
of behavior patterning throughout life. 

49. THE ONTOGENETIC SEQUENCE 

Patterns of behavior in all species tend to follow an orderly 
genetic sequence in their emergence. This genetic sequence is 
itself an expression of elaborate pattern, a pattern whose basic 
outline is the product of evolution and is under the influence of 
maturational factors. The studies of Swenson (47), Avery (2), 
and others have shown that in the rat and in the guinea pig and 
other mammalian forms the behavior sequence tends to follow a 
time schedule. The schedule differs with species but is much alike, 
for individuals of the same species. The studies of Minkowski (37) 
and others have shown the presence of a developmental sequence 
in behavior patterning for the human fetus. On the basis of avail- 
able records, Coghill (8) is convinced that the principle of em- 
bryological development governing this early patterning of 
behavior in man is the same as that in Amblystoma. Shirley has 
found uniformities of sequence in the development of human 
posture and locomotion (43). 

Our own studies of premature and postmattire infants have 
demonstrated a high degree of stability in both prenatal and 
postnatal ontogenesis when the end course of development is not 
interfered with by traumatic and disease factors (19) .The uterus 
is the normal environment of the fetus till the end of a gestation 



50 DEVELOPMENTAL CORRESPONDENCE 308 

period of 40 weeks. But birth, with survival may very exceptionally 
occur as early as 24 weeks and as late as 48 weeks, an enormous 
range of variation in natal age amounting to 6 lunar months. 
Variation within a range of 3 lunar months is relatively common 
and yet this considerable variation does not impose a correspond- 
ing deviation on the complex of behavior. Our normative studies 
of both premature and postmature infants have shown repeatedly 
that the growth course of behavior tends to be obedient to the 
regular underlying pattern of genetic sequence, irrespective of 
the irregularity of the birth event. Refined studies will doubtless 
reveal that such irregularity does subtly modify many details 
of behavior but nothing points more comprehensively to the role of 
maturation than the general stability of the trend and the tempo 
of development in spite of precocious or postponed displacement 
of birth. The patterns of genetic sequence insure a basically similar 
growth career for full term, pre- and post-term infants. It is as 
though nature had provided a regulatory factor of safety against 
the stress of extreme variations of environment. In the mechanisms 
of maturation this regulation operates. 

50. DEVELOPMENTAL CORRESPONDENCE IN TWINS 

Twins furnish a fertile field for the study of maturational 
factors. Fraternal twins tend to show the same kind and probably 
the same degree of differences as ordinary siblings. Jacob and Esau 
are a classical example of twins who differed in mental and physical 
traits. To what extent the mere fact of contemporaneous birth and 
career affects the parity of characteristics is not known. In the 
present brief discussion we shall first consider the problem of 
physical correspondence and divergence in. monozygotic twins. 

The identity of origin of such twins makes for similarity in 
stature and body type, and for detailed correspondence in the 
color, form, and structure of organs. The inequality in the condi- 
tions of development, however, may impose a more or less per- 
manent difference in weight and vitality. Hence the frequency 
of the occurrence of a weaker twin, who yet extensively duplicates 
his cotwin. 

F. Beckerhaus (3) studied twelve pairs of unioval twins who 
showed marked similarity as to hair, skin color, iris, cornea, and 
total refraction of eyes, and who exhibited an inherited disposition 
to the formation of freckles. Yet there were -minute but detectable 
differences in respect to all these .qualities.. . 



304 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 50 

Sano (42) found a very remarkable similarity in the disposition 
of the furrows of the cerebral hemispheres of the brains of identical 
twins who were stillborn at full term this in spite of a difference 
in size of the brains. 

Gesell and Thompson (22) have reported medical and anthropo- 
metric details showing remarkably stable correspondence in twin 
infants T and (7, up to 80 weeks of age. Daily determination of 
weight and of temperature for 450 days as well as body measure- 
ments, dentition, and skin patterns were compared. At the age 
of 19 weeks the twins were sent to a hospital where a diagnosis 
of acute intestinal intoxication was made. On the very same day, 
symptoms in both twins suddenly became worse. They showed 
marked ashen pallor, drowsiness, and symptoms of extreme dehy- 
dration. Similar treatment was administered. A total of 400 cc. 
saline was given immediately, subcutaneously . and intraperitone- 
ally; 75 cc. intravenous glucose was given at the same sitting; 
shortly after, 150 cc. of citrated blood was given by transfusion 
per fontanelle; the following day 300 cc. saline was given sub- 
cutaneously. On the fifteenth of November the symptoms cleared 
and both patients showed decided improvement. The contrast 
with their appearance on admission was considered little less than 
remarkable. The course of convalescence in both children was 
similar, and they were discharged as cured at the end of 16 days. 
Four days prior to discharge, however, Twin C showed symptoms 
of acute bilateral otitis media of the suppurative type. In spite 
of this complication, it is significant that both children made very 
similar weight gains during their fortnight at the hospital. Twin 
T entered with a weight of 5480 grams and left with a weight of 
6080 grams a gain of 600 grams; Twin C entered with a weight 
of 5340 grams and left with a weight of 6000 grams a gain of 
560 grams. One day they weighed exactly alike to a gram! 

Such amazing identity of reaction to an infection, and to its 
heroic treatment, strongly suggests that the correspondence ' in . 
highly similar twins inneres in the very biochemical constitution, 
supplying a firm matrix for the development of correspondence 
in psychological make-up. 

The physiological basis of behavior correspondence is clearly 
demonstrated in a recent study by Macfarlan (34). The hearing 
of middle-aged twin sisters was tested by an audiometer. A marked 
parallelism was shown; the hearing rose and fell across the pitch 
range in nearly exact correspondence. 



50 DEVELOPMENTAL CORRESPONDENCE 305 

With such a wealth of correspondence demonstrated in the 
physical development of twins, it becomes interesting to inquire 
whether there is a comparable degree of behavior correspondence 
in twin development. This problem, of course, is more complex. 
There is after all some difference between patterns of the skin 
and patterns of behavior. The configuration of the friction ridges 
of the skin is fixed for each individual in the fourth month of 
intrauterine life, and, unaltered, this dermal pattern is carried to 
the grave. 

The mental characteristics of the human organism, on the 
other hand, are in process of almost constant change. It is impos- 
sible to seize upon stable criteria of comparison like thumb prints. 
Yet there is no reason to believe that the complex of mental 
growth is immune from those same factors which make for cor- 
respondence in the dermal patterning of sole and palm. 

Twins T and C, who showed such thorough-going physical 
correspondence as reported by Gesell and Thompson (22) were 
also studied from the standpoint of psychological correspondence, 
Periodic developmental observations were made by individual 
and comparative examinations throughout their infancy. Motion 
picture records were utilized. 

A marked, degree of resemblance in behavior patterns was 
displayed. The correspondences in behavior patterning were 
literally uncountable. However, the records of 13 developmental 
examinations were analyzed, and 612 separate comparative ratings 
of behavior items were made from these records in order to deter- 
mine features of correspondence and disparity. There were 99 items 
of minor disparity, and 513 items of identical or nearly identical 
correspondence. A generic and detailed parity of behavior patterns 
was decisively demonstrated. 

In the field of pellet prehension this parity was very neatly 
disclosed. A small pellet, 7 nun, in diameter, was placed on a 
table top before each child, within easy reach. At 28 weeks both 
the twins, being somewhat retarded in their development, were 
visually unheeclful of the pellet, though they definitely regarded a 
cube. At 38 weeks they addressed themselves in an identical man- 
ner to the pellet. The hands were placed in full pronation, the 
fingers were fully extended, and spread apart in a fan-like manner- 
The thumb was extended almost at right angles. The motion 
picture record of the twins* attack upon the pellet shows an almost 
uncanny degree of identity in the details of postural attitude, hand 



306 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 50 

attitude, approach, and mechanism of grasp. At 40 weeks there 
was a crude raking attack upon the pellet; at 42 weeks this raking 
approach was replaced by a poking with the tip of the index finger. 
These changes in prehensory pattern occurred contemporaneously 
in both children. 

We turn to another example of behavior correspondence in 
the infant Twins T and C at the age of 44 weeks. The twins were 
confronted with a test performance box with its three holes. The 
common method of approach of the two children, their preferred 
regard for the edge of the performance box, the fleeting regard 
for the holes, the exploitation of the vertical surface of the per- 
formance box by a scratching, simultaneous flexion of the digits, 
the failure to place a round rod into any of the holes, the brushing 
of the surface of the performance box with the rod, the transfer 
of the rod from one hand to the other, and finally an almost simul- 
taneous peculiar, clicking vocalization in both twins altogether 
constituted a very complicated behavior patterning, but one which 
bristled with numerous identities of spatial and dynamic detail 
One can give due weight to the significance of this correspondence 
only by reflecting on the myriad of behavior exploitations of the 
situation which the twins might have adopted. But in spite of this 
multitude of exploitational possibilities, the twins were apparently 
under a common inner compulsion to adopt those very similarities 
of behavior which have been noted. 

The complex nature of these behavior correspondences again 
suggests the fundamental role of maturation. If it were argued that 
extrinsic factors determine the form and the occasion of such 
simultaneous patterns, it would become necessary to demonstrate 
in detail a cunning arrangement of environment and of condition- 
ing stimuli competent to design in duplicate the configurations 
of the observed behavior. How can the environment, even of twins, 
accomplish such architectonic miracles (21)? 

Ley (33) has published an excellent monograph on. Un Ca$ 
d*audimutite idiopathique (aphasie congSnitale) chez des jumeaux 
monozygotiques. The subjects, two boys, A and /, age 8 years, 
present a remarkably synchronous developmental career with 
retardation in walking and in speech. They both had "convulsions" 
up to 2 years of age, J more frequently than -A. Dentition and walk- 
ing occurred late, the former at 2 years, the latter at 3}^ years* 
At 4, both had a light bronchitis; at 5, night fears. Each pronounced' 
his first words at 4. They were both so destructive that at 5 the 



51 INHERITED BEHAVIOR 307 

parents were obliged to place' them in an institution for abnormal 
children. At 8, they appeared normal at first sight, but upon 
examination were found to express themselves with the greatest 
difficulty, to fall frequently in walking or running,, and to be 
unable to understand the damage they caused. They utilized the 
gesture language effectively with each other but did not attempt 
to communicate with a third person. The indications of normal 
reactions were excellent memories and good attention (but solely 
for things which interested them). Unlike aphasics, they were 
not timid. Physical examination results showed no sign of lesion. 
Asymmetry reversal was present in hair whorls, finger prints, 
and skull form. In play, A preferred the left hand, J the right. 
Upon intelligence examination, A and / passed tests which placed 
them at the 8 year level except for drawing and number concept. 
In resume the author characterizes them as follows: they were 
incontestably "monozygotic," with great asymmetry reversal, 
and an analogy of bodily and mental development which ap- 
proached absolute identity. Minute medical and neurological 
examination was completely negative. The essential difficulty 
was in the motor sphere in spite of normal development and 
perfect peripheral stimulation of all their organs, they could not 
make certain voluntary movements. They not only learned to 
walk late but had difficulty with complicated movements; could 
not correctly articulate words; could not draw; or imitate difficult 
gestures. They understood the significance of drawings and ges- 
tures. Their motor difficulty consisted in a considerable retardation 
of development of the "praxique" functions. Great parallelism 
existed in the development of their intelligence, in which there 
were essential gaps, particularly in abstract concepts. 

51. INHERITED BEHAVIOR CHARACTERISTICS 

We need not undertake any critical discussion of the com- 
plicated problem of the inheritance of mental traits. It is. evident 
that the inborn traits of an individual can only be brought into 
realization, through the processes of maturation. However much 
these traits may be specifically modified and inflected by environ- 
ment, their initial manifestation will be primarily determined 
by maturation. That the maturational mechanism may operate 
with morphological precision even in the field of behavior is sug- 
gested by some of the results of Stockard's highly important 
experimental work in the breeding of dogs (45). 



308 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 52 

He lias experimentally Investigated problems of experimental 
morphology by tlie hybridization and interbreeding of pedigreed 
dogs. He has been chiefly concerned with the genetics and endo- 
crinology of the somatic constitution of his dogs but his work 
throws striking side-lights on the developmental basis of behavior 
patterns. He finds in his hybrid litters assortments of tempera- 
mental and instinctive traits which indicate a well-defined heredi- 
tary determination. He finds that the general complexion of 
behavior in hybrid offspring tends to correlate with the shape of the 
cranium more than with body build. 

He has bred an interesting cross between the Saluki hound and 
the Basset hound. The Saluki is a tall, slender, aristocratic creature 
that has come down through the ages (thanks to the stable genes) 
with a physical (and probably a psychological) pattern quite simi- 
lar to that of the domesticated dog portrayed by the ancient 
Egyptians. The Basset hound is low flung, stocky, and short 
legged. Saluki, on assuming a prone position, puts out his long 
forelegs with a graceful extensor thrust. Basset, when he settles 
down, folds his short forelegs inwards with a flexor movement. 
And what do the strange looking, short-legged, hybrid puppies 
do when they take a prone posture? In spite of the anatomical 
grotesqueness of it, they extend their short legs as though they 
belonged to the ancestral Pharaoh strain. In other words, the 
musculature of the Basset-like extremities is controlled by the 
neurone mechanism of a Saluki type. This is evidence that a 
specific behavior pattern trend may be transmitted as an entity 
in spite of cross breeding, the pattern preserving integrity even 
under the influence of an incongruent anatomical structure deri\ ed 
from an alien strain. Here maturation works with a vengeance. 

It is probable that in man also there are innumerable behavior 
characters which rest upon relatively specific pattern determiners 
within the individual constitution. Such inherited patterns and 
pattern trends as well as more generalized potencies can come* to 
expression only through a process of maturation. Although adap- 
tive to and responsive to environment, they are in no sense derived 
from the external environment. 

5#. SENSORIMOTQR FUNCTIONS 

In the developmental patterning of such fundamental functions 
as posture, locomotion, eye movements, and prehension the factors 



5 SENSORIMOTOR FUNCTIONS 309 

of maturation work with considerable force, in the human infant 
as well as In the lower animals. As already indicated, the onto 
genetic sequence for such functions, though differing for species, 
tends to remain consistent within the species. There are individual 
differences, but many of these seem to arise out of variations 
in the original growth equipment rather than in the physical 
environment. 

Coghill (9) doubts whether the appearance of a function like 
locomotion can be hastened in Amblystoma by exercise. Carmichael 
(6) found that swimming movements appeared at the appropriate 
time in Amblystoma embryos even when these embryos were 
completely deprived of external stimulation by an anaesthetizing 
solution of chloretone. Bird (4) hatched large numbers of chicks 
and kept them in darkness for varying periods of time. This was 
equivalent to specific anesthetization of the behavior pattern of 
pecking, for chicks do not peck in the dark. There proved to be 
only a small difference in pecking performance between practiced 
chicks and those reared in the dark; and even this small difference 
may have been due to differences in vitality. In the human fetus 
there is a comparable certainty In the progressions of sensorimotor 
functions, with but slight dependence upon exercise and stimula- 
tion in the ordinary sense of these terms. 

Such lawful progressions are by no means confined to the pre- 
natal period. They project into the neonatal period, into infancy, 
and doubtless also into maturity; for maturity rests upon endog- 
enous factors. During the first year of life the progressional 
trends come most abundantly into view. In the summary accounts 
of the various normative situations it has been repeatedly shown 
that the patterns of behavior are closely linked with age. The 
statistical trends of both "increments" and "decrements" of 
infant behavior denote fundamental similarities In the order and 
the manner of ontogenesis. The resemblances of behavior in the 
same child in a dozen different situations at the same age are 
significant. The resemblance is a function of certain formal ele- 
ments in the behavior equipment at that level of maturity. These 
formal elements change with age, but always preserve a certain 
consistency, even though the infant appears always to be in a 
formative stage. He is; but the formativeness itself is formed by 
Intrinsic growth factors. The influence of these factors manifests 
itself in the statistical trends which are so numerously apparent 
in the tables of behavior items presented in Chapter III, 



310 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 52 

The reader needs only refer to these tables to find Illustrative 
data in every field of behavior posture, locomotion, prehension, 
manipulation, language. The trend toward an erect head station, 
the trend toward upright body posture, the tendency toward 
combining objects, the progressive dominance of the radial digits, 
the emergence of the index finger for exploitive and prehensory 
adjustments, the increasing responsiveness to demonstration, 
and a host of other behavior patterns or behavior modalities 
might be reviewed for evidences of maturational mechanisms. 

A compact normative synopsis of the pellet situation will 
serve here as a convenient example of developmental trends in 
the visual-manual field : 

12 weeks Transient regard for pellet (rarely) 

16 weeks More prolonged regard, usually delayed 

20 weeks Immediate, definite regard, sometimes with increased hand-arm 

activity 
4 weeks Approaches pellet with pronate hand; contacts pellet with little 

or no finger adjustment 
28 weeks Approaches pellet with raking flexion of fingers, without thumb 

opposition; occasional delayed palmar prehension 
32 weeks Approaches pellet with raking flexion but with increased thumb 

participation and digital prehension 
36 weeks Approaches and contacts with simultaneous flexion of fingers; 

prehends with defined thumb and index opposition 
40 weeks Approaches with all fingers extended; contacts with index finger 

and later prehends by drawing index finger against thumb 
44 weeks Promptly prehends with index and thumb and with increased 

obliquity of hand attitude 
48 weeks Approaches with index finger extended and lateral digits flexed; 

prehends with delimited plucking by index and thumb 
52 weeks Approaches and plucks pincer-wise with increased deftness 

If the foregoing table is studied in perspective it shows that the 
development of eye-hand behavior in the infant does not consist 
so much in an increase of skill as in a progressive differentiation 
of the mechanical form of behavior. To be sure there is a trend 
toward economy of movement; but this is not an end result. -of 
practice but an alteration in the very pattern .of response. -The 
developmental reorganization of this pattern is outwardly a mor- 
phological phenomenon primarily correlated with changes in the 
inner morphology of the nervous system, and secondarily with 
changes in ligaments, joints, and musculature. Howsoever en- 
vironment may inflect and condition the expression of the visual- 
motor functions, the mechanics of the behavior and the basic 



53 INTELLECTUAL AND AFFECTIVE LIFE 31.1 

form of the patterns are primarily the product of maturational 
factors. 

The prehensory patterns of normative infants have been 
fruitfully investigated by methods of cinema analysis by Halver- 
son (23), and by Castner (7). McGinnis (35) has made a similar 
analysis of early eye movements. These studies establish in 
temporal and spatial detail, the lines along which visual-motor 
behavior is developmentally patterned. The indubitable presence 
of intrinsic morphogenetic determiners at the basis of visual- 
motor behavior forms, suggests that comparable determiners may 
also operate in the more concealed ontogeny of the higher thought 
processes. 

53. INTELLECTUAL AND AFFECTIVE LIFE 

The role of maturation in the higher spheres of intellectual and 
moral life is, on the basis of present knowledge, difficult to deter- 
mine. On theoretical grounds some may even question whether the 
concept of maturation can be applied to these higher and more 
rarefied fields of behavior accessible to introspection but not to 
photography. Nevertheless, if there is a general physiology of 
growth which governs the entire development of the individual, 
we may well believe that maturation maintains a role in the higher 
orders of thought and feeling. 

Neurones grow. Laboratory investigation has shown that 
electro-potentials are moving factors in that growth. Axones grow 
away from a cathode pole (Bok's law); dendrites grow towards 
an active neurone or nerve bundle and cathode pole (Kappers* 
law). The cell body, may also migrate in the same direction as its 
growing dendrites. Coghill (10) has emphasized the fact that 
neurones continue to. send out (and organize) processes even after 
they have begun to function as conductors, and has even sug- 
gested that the creative component of thought is a form of growth, 
Kappers has remarked that his law of neurobiotaxis resembles 
the psychological law of association. E* B. Holt (27) believes "that 
with a very small additional consideration as to the direction in 
which the excitations flow, it (the law of neurobiotaxis) is the 
psychological law of association." 

Accordingly, it is possible to posit a maturational kind of 
mechanism even in the spheres of symbolic thinking represented 
by language, thought., and moral attitudes. Granting that these 
spheres are elaborately influenced by social and environmental 



MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 53 

factors, they nevertheless require a substratum of maturation 
similar to that which underlies the simpler, sensorimotor functions 
like prehension. 

Strayer (46) reports some valuable findings in this direction 
based on a study of language development in identical twins by 
the method of cotwin control. Both twins were given a similar 
course of vocabulary training in the early stage of language forma- 
tion, but Twin T was trained 5 weeks earlier than Twin 0. The 
maturity difference of 5 weeks showed itself clearly in the lan- 
guage behavior of Twin (7; she responded more effectively to 
training and her pattern of response was more mature. There was 
a more rapid elimination of doubling of syllables (like baba for 
ball). This was a sensorimotor advantage (and this is of especial 
significance in the present connection), but there was also an 
intelligence advantage. Twin C showed less interference of associa- 
tions: "She incorporated the new words more quickly into her 
spontaneous jargon and extended her application earlier and more 
widely, using them more often/' These latter functions are modali- 
ties of behavior, akin to those which operate on higher levels of 
generalization and of reasoning. Such modalities can in no sense 
be explained on the basis of habit formation or of environmental 
moulding, however, dependent they are on social stimulation. 
Rather, they arise out of maturational factors which are relatively 
independent of specific training. We may regard Strayer's study 
as a virtually experimental demonstration of the existence of such 
maturational factors in intellectual functions. 

Although generic modalities of behavior do not have a mor- 
phological configuration in the same precise sense that a method 
of prehension has a visible design, there is no reason why these 
modalities should not be represented in the nervous system by 
innate developmental factors which serve to incorporate the 
influences of the social environment. This process of incorporation 
is a form of growth, closely articulated with the total action system. 
Even thinking, or at least the creative component of thinking, 
as already suggested, is a growth phenomenon. 

Piaget (40) has made extensive psychological studies of the 
child's language, early forms of reasoning, articulate concepts of 
physical causality and of cosmology, and the nature of moral 
judgment. His approach upon the problems is at once philo- 
sophical, clinical, and genetic, and in his last work he has made 
correlations with the literature of theoretical sociology. In his 



53 INTELLECTUAL AND AFFECTIVE LIFE 313 

interpretations lie uses biological concepts only to a limited extent 
and it therefore becomes interesting to inquire into his views 
concerning the interaction of the individual and environment. 
We quote a few passages which in spite of a certain abstruseness 
indicate the lines of his interpretation (41). 

"This concordance of our results with those of historieo- 
critical or logico-sociological analysis brings us to a second point: 
the parallelism existing between moral and intellectual develop- 
ment. Everyone is aware of the kinship between logical and ethical 
norms. Logic is the morality of thought just as morality is the 
logic of action. . . . One may say, to begin with, that in a certain 
sense neither logical nor moral norms are innate in the individual 
mind. We can find, no doubt, even before language, all the ele- 
ments of rationality and morality. Thus sensori-motor intelligence 
gives rise to operations of assimilation and construction, in which 
it is not hard to see the functional equivalent of the logic of classes 
and of relations. . . . The control characteristic of sensori-motor 
intelligence is of external origin: it is things themselves that con- 
strain the organism to select which steps it will take; the initial 
intellectual activity does actively seek for truth. Similarly, it is 
persons external to him who channelize the child*s elementary 
feelings, those feelings do not tend to regulate themselves from 
within. 

"This does not mean that everything in the a priori view is to 
be rejected. Of course the a priori never manifests itself in the 
form of ready-made innate mechanism. The a priori is the obliga- 
tory element, and the necessary connections only impose them- 
selves little by little, as evolution proceeds. It is at the end of 
knowledge and not in its beginnings that the mind becomes 
conscious of the laws immanent to it. Yet to speak of directed 
volution and asymptotic advance towards a necessary ideal Is to 
recognize the existence of a something which acts from the first 
in the direction of this evolution. But under what form does this 
"something* present itself? Under the form of a structure that 
straightway organises the contents of consciousness, or under the 
form of a functional law of equilibrium, unconscious as yet because 
the mind has not yet achieved this equilibrium, and to be mani- 
fested only in and through the multitudinous structures that are 
to appear later ? There seems to us to be no doubt about the answer. 
There is in the 'very functioning of sensori-motor operations a 
search for coherence and organisation. Alongside, therefore, of 



314 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 53 

the coherence that characterizes the successive steps taken by 
elementary Intelligence we must admit the existence of an ideal 
equilibrium, indefinable as structure but implied in its functioning 
that is at work. Such is the a priori: it is neither a principle from 
which concrete actions can be deduced nor a structure of which 
the mind can become conscious as such, but it is a sum-total 
of functional relations implying the distinction between the 
existing states of disequilibrium and an ideal equilibrium yet to be 
realized/* 

The foregoing interpretation, although too mentalistic to be 
readily brought into a biological discussion, indicates the presence 
of "a priori" factors which may be envisaged in terms of matura- 
tion. These factors become somewhat less mystical if they are 
ascribed to the growth characteristics of a total action system 
whose elementary mechanisms have been studied by direct ap- 
proach. However potent and pervasive social environment may be, 
the basic organization of the higher thought processes is probably 
determined by primary ordering factors within the growing or- 
ganismic pattern. 

Likewise with the affective life of the infant. The primary 
emotions have been discussed as though they were elementary 
stable phenomena subject only to the changes of social condition- 
ing. This is the implication in much that has been written con- 
cerning the emotion of fear. It seems to us that the problem has 
been oversimplified. Fear may be an original tendency, but it is 
possibly subject to the genetic alterations of maturation as well 
as to organization by environmental conditioning. Such condi- 
tioning may determine the orientation and reference of fears, 
but the mode of fearing may well undergo change as a result of 
maturation. Fear is neither more nor less of an abstraction than 
prehension. It is not a simple entity. It waxes and alters with 
maturity. It is shaped by intrinsic maturation as well as by ex- 
perience, certainly during the period of infancy. 

A discussion of the developmental aspect of intellectual and 
affective life should make at least brief mention of the phenomenon 
of invention and mental creativeness. Does maturation, play a 
role here too? What is known about the biological process of 
mutation and of human variability suggests that a mechanism 
of maturation is requisite for manifestations of originality. Such 
manifestations can not be derived from the environment alone, 
ip. either children, or adults. Even originative and mutational 



54 MATURATION AND TRAINING 315 

expressions of individuality emerge out of a complex of growth. 
Similarly the more marked differences among adults with respect 
to the prolongation of intellectual plasticity must have their 
basis in the constitutional growth potential. 

54. MATURATION AND TRAINING 

There has been an increasing number of studies dealing with 
the effects of training on the acquisition of skill in children. The 
influence of age and of practice distribution on the improvement 
of abilities raises many questions concerning maturation factors. 
The contributions and bibliographies of Gates (14), Jersild (33), 
Hilgard (26), and Wheeler (48) may be especially mentioned. 

In identical twins nature provides a stage for observing the 
effects of a developmental stimulus which may be experimentally 
confined to one twin. We have described elsewhere (22), the method 
of cotwin control which was first used to analyze the influence of 
training in relation to maturity. Having established the presence 
of a thorough-going similarity of a pair of infant girl twins, one 
twin (Twin C) was utilized as a duplicate control. Twin T was 
subjected- to a program of daily training in climbing and in cube 
behavior for a period of 6 weeks, beginning at the age of 46 weeks. 
Twin C (reserved as a control) was deprived of all specific training 
in these reactions. At the age of 53 weeks Twin C was subjected to a 
brief period of training in climbing lasting 2 weeks. The purpose 
of this deferred training was to check and to extend the analysis 
of the interdependence of maturity factors and training factors. 
Twin 3Ts early reactions to training were relatively passive, and she 
needed assistance at one or all of the five treads. After 4 weeks 
of training (age 50 weeks) she climbed the staircase with avidity 
and without assistance. At 52 weeks she climbed the staircase in 
26 seconds. Twin 6\ at the age of 53 weeks, without any previous 
training, climbed the same staircase unaided in 45 seconds. After 
2 weeks of training, at the age of 55 weeks, Twin C climbed the 
stairs in 10 seconds. The climbing performance of Twin C at 55 
weeks was far superior to the climbing performance of Twin T 
at 52 weeks, even though Twin T had been trained 7 weeks earlier 
and three times longer. The maturity advantage of 3 weeks of 
age must account for this superiority. 

Twin T was trained daily in cube behavior from 46 to 52 weeks 
of age. A day-by-day analysis of this cube behavior showed a 
trend toward daily changes and increments in prehension, manipu- 



316 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 54 

lation, and exploitation. At the close of the training period, how- 
ever, the cube behavior patterns of Twin C were highly similar 
to those of Twin T. It is suggested that the growth complex, being 
under the stress of continuous (diurnal) maturational changes, 
can not assimilate in any permanent way the effects of ordinary 
training or casual suggestion. The similarity in patterns of cube 
behavior was confirmed by a time-space cinema analysis of the 
prehensory reactions to cubes under experimental conditions at 
42, 5, 63, and 79 weeks of age. 

The method of cotwin control has also been used by Strayer 
(46) to analyze the relationship of language and growth and to 
determine the relative efficacy of early and deferred vocabulary 
training. Very favorable arrangements for the temporary separa- 
tion of the twins and for continuous 24-hour observation were made. 
Twin jTs training was begun when she was 84 weeks old and 
continued through her eighty-eighth week. Twin O's training was 
begun when she was 89 weeks old. Careful records of all word 
use and language behavior were kept; and these were later com- 
pared in quantitative detail. 

The findings of the experiment indicated that the typical stages 
in "the acquisition of language were strikingly alike for both twins, 
but in practically every phase Twin C was slightly in advance of 
Twin T.** This was attributed to the age difference of the twins 
during the identical (but not contemporaneous) training programs. 
Not only was the training which was begun with a maturity 
advantage of five weeks more effective than earlier training, but 
the patterns of response of Twin C were more mature. Strayer 
offers abundant detail concerning the comparative career of 
individual words learned by T and 0, which illuminate the condi- 
tions of learning. Training does not transcend maturation. 

When Twins T and C reached the age of 54 months,, they were 
experimentally observed by Josephine Hilgard (26a), for a period, 
of 7 months, again by the method of cotwin control. The twins 
well matched at the outset of the study on motor tests of scissors 
cutting, ring toss, walking boards (2, 4, and 6 cm. in width), 
digit . memory, and object memory. Each twin served in part -as 
practice and as control subject. In each comparative situation/ 
one twin was practiced (early practice) while the other served as 
control; both were retested and then 8 months later the second 
twin was practiced leaving the previously practiced twin to serve 
as control. Each practice or training period was 8 weeks in length, 



55 RELATIONSHIP OF MATURATION 317 

with three sessions per week. Both twins were comparatively 
retested after the delayed practice, and again by way of follow-up 
3 and 6 weeks later. 

With the exception of the 6 cm. walking board and of the 
scissors test, in which one twin had a distinctively superior tech- 
nique, delayed practice resulted in greater gain. The curves of 
learning were similar to those found by Strayer. The curves of 
forgetting, plotted on the basis of the follow-up comparisons, 
showed a striking tendency for the performances to reach the 
same level. "That both twins * forgot* to the same level in spite 
of their different attainments with practice" was interpreted to 
indicate the importance of general developmental factors (26a). 

55. THE RELATIONSHIP OF MATURATION AND LEARNING 

The foregoing summary of various evidences of maturation 
leads us back to a brief consideration of the relationship of matura- 
tion and learning. This is, of course, a difficult problem and would 
demand a critical analysis of the numerous factors which operate 
in so-called learning: practice, forgetting, refractory phase phe- 
nomena, conditioning (inhibitory and remote), repetition, emo- 
tional reinforcement, etc. An estimate of these factors would 
inevitably prove the difficulty, if not artificiality., of drawing a 
distinction between dynamic and developmental processes. Where 
indeed shall the line be drawn in the border zone between dynamic 
psychology and developmental psychology? Would not dynamic 
processes which take place in a short period of time assume a devel- 
opmental aspect if drawn out durationally after the manner of 
the slowed cinema projection? And conversely, would not develop- 
mental phenomena simulate dynamic, if telescoped into a small 
span of duration? 

The new formulations of learning reflect this point of view. 
I), 1C Adams (1) characterizes learning as "... the process 
of reorganization sometimes under-gone by fields distorted by an 
obstructed need/' and suggests that "when in such fields learning 
does not occur, the other sort of adaptation (change in the need) 
must occur." Similarly, Humphrey (28): "As biological evolution 
progressed, organic complexes were able to respond more and more 
intimately to changes in the environment, until there was devel- 
oped the power to make a dynamic adjustment to a highly complex 
four-dimensional manifold. This is the power to learn." E. B. 



318 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 55 

Holt (27) in his effort to merge genetic and dynamic aspects uses 
the remarkable phrase "developmental growth or learning." 
"Sheer growth" (whatever sheer growth may mean) is a term 
which has sometimes been used in contrast to "'environmental 
moulding/' 

Analytically it is possible, and scientifically it is desirable, to 
draw a distinction between maturation and learning. The end 
products are blended beyond dissection; the mechanisms are 
alike in principle; they operate synthetically in determining the 
ultimate patterns of behavior; but they are not identical. Car- 
michael (6) suggests that "in all maturation there is learning and 
in all learning there is hereditary maturation/" But it does not 
follow that they are one and the same thing; unless we grant that 
there are forms of maturation which are so precisely adaptive 
that learning is ruled out. Significantly enough, we can not con- 
versely suppose that learning ever takes place without a matura- 
tions! component. Marquis (36) in his excellent discussion of 
the criterion of innate behavior suggests that there is a funda- 
mental distinction to be made as follows: "Learning represents a 
modification of the organismic pattern in response to specific 
stimuli present in the external environment at the time of the 
modification. Maturation, on the other hand, is a modification 
of the organismic pattern in response to stimuli present in the 
intra-cellular and intercellular environments, which at the given 
moment are independent of external influences." 

This distinction is a defensible one, but it is unnecessary to 
make it hang too exclusively on immediately present stimuli. 
Recent stimuli also operate and emphasis shoxild be placed on the 
specific nature of the adaptation to both present and recent stimuli. 
If the term recent introduces difficulties of interpretation, these 
are of a constructive character and reflect the close bonds between 
maturation and learning, without obscuring the difference between 
external and internal environments. 

The intimate relationships between maturation and learning 
were neatly disclosed in a simultaneous comparative observation 
(21) of identical twins, if we may again refer to T and C, A funda- 
mental identity in behavior responses was shown in. the pellet and 
bottle situation. The twins were irx the same crib, seated back to 
back, and confronting each her own examining table. The two 
examiners simultaneously held a small 4-oz. glass bottle in view 
and dropped a 7 mm. pellet into the bottle; Three trials were made 



55 RELATIONSHIP OF MATURATION 319 

with each child. The examiner, having dropped the pellet into 
the bottle, gave the bottle to the child. 

Both children watched this dropping of the pellet with the 
same transfixed attention. Both children on the first trial, and 
again on the second trial, seized the bottle, apparently heedless 
of the contained pellet; but both children on the third trial (with- 
out, of course, any influence of imitation) pursued the pellet by 
poking at it against the glass identical capacity to profit by 
experience. 

In this instance we find that the correspondence of behavior 
patternings extends into the minute fields of specific adaptation 
or of learning. It may be readily granted that maturational factors 
primarily account for the similarity in capacity and general 
maturity displayed by these twins. Perhaps these same matura- 
tional factors account also for the more detailed correspondences, 
such as the mode of visual attention, the primary preoccupation 
with the bottle, and the secondary interest in the pellet. Within 
a brief span of time we see the spontaneous behavior patterns 
undergo a specific adaptation and call this adaptation learning. 
But the distinctive criteria of maturation and learning are not 
easily applied. 

Let us assume that on the morrow, in the pellet and bottle 
situation, both children poke immediately with extended fore- 
finger against the side of the bottle. Is this fixation of behavior 
due to the experience of the previous day? And shall the assimila- 
tive processes of the intervening night be regarded as maturation 
because the modification did not occur in immediate response to 
the situation, or shall it be called learning because it is virtually 
a specific adaptation to stimuli recently in the external environ- 
ment? The fixation of the poking pattern, however, proves to be 
temporary, because in another lunar month without specific 
experience, these same twins adaptively tilt both bottle and hand, 
and thrust the extended index finger into the open mouth of the 
bottle in pursuit of the pellet. Is this incremental -differentiation 
of behavior pattern to be attributed to maturation or to learning? 

A concluding comment may here be made on skill. as. a -genetic 
concept. The term skill, if used loosely can do no harm. Context 
and vagueness will protect the usage from mischief , If, however, 
the term is used critically we must exercise due caution. To begin 
with, the infant is never unskillful. Even when he gropes for the 
pellet he is performing adaptively in terms of his current equipment 



320 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION " 56 

and very creditably. When he rakes or scoops the pellet by a swift 
simultaneous digit-palmar method, he may be performing adeptly 
and efficaciously (more efficaciously by the way than when he 
painfully plucks the pellet with an immature thumb-index opposi- 
tion). The latter is a higher order of performance, but does not 
necessarily represent more skill, more dexterity, more aptness, 
nimbleness, expertness. There may even be less deftness. The 
plucking, however, is genetically a superior response, therefore 
we may say that it is more clever, meaning as the very etymology 
of this word suggests, a more advanced form of seizure. Even 
though awkward, the plucking represents a higher kind of address 
and promises later a higher level of adroitness. At an immature 
stage it is not so neat and handy nor so efficient as a palmar scoop but 
it does constitute a new and important form of hand posturing. All 
these italicized words are similar, but vary in connotation. 

If by skill we mean the refinement, facilitation, and specific 
improvement of a given behavior equipment or an existing set of 
capacities, then the term is highly relative, and in infancy skill 
is always highly transitory. The infant is continually forging 
ahead because of the maturation of new behavior trends. He does 
not become permanently skillful as a gross manual scooper, be- 
cause there emerges, without his beckoning, a propensity to 
prehend digitally. This new mechanics of behavior is, so to speak, 
a morphogenetic product comparable to the change in the profile 
of his nose. It is primarily a maturation phenomenon. Training 
and experience will in a specific and always more or less transient 
sense perfect, modulate, and condition; but in its basic configura- 
tion the new pattern of plucking is not the architectonic product 
of some mystical learning process; it is a morphological phenome- 
non, a topographical event in the mechanics of development. 

The distinction between maturation and learning should not be 
pushed to pedantic extreme. We know too little for that. The 
processes are inevitably correlated and in some measure probably 
reciprocal. But for these very reasons it is desirable to enclose the 
word skill in judicious quotation marks and not to expand it so 
far that it includes all of the attainments of the infant, even those 
which he "acquires" through intrinsic processes of morphogenesis. 

56. MATURATION AND GROWTH REGULATION 

We may look upon maturation as part of a general process of 
developmental regulation as well as a morphogenetic process which. 



.56 MATURATION AND GROWTH 

works toward more or less specific end results. The total complex 
of growth, as it were, is always meeting "problems'* in the ob- 
structions, stresses, and deficiencies of both internal and external 
environment. The maximum developmental success of the or- 
ganism is rarely achieved but in all growing organisms there is 
apparently a tendency toward a maximum. We may postulate 
this as a developmental principle and formulate it briefly as fol- 
lows : Growth tends toward an optimum realization. 

This principle has psychological applications but it can be most 
concretely illustrated by examples from experimental biology. 
The results of the surgical alterations of a growing organism stimu- 
late a marked tendency on the part of the structures to adapt 
themselves to mutilations and dislocations. For example, Detwiler 
(11) found that when the limb of Amblystoma was removed and 
grafted well behind its normal position, the nerve supply never- 
theless organized itself in such a way as to establish appropriate 
function in the limb. 

SpeidePs study (44) of growing nerve cells showed a growth 
cone at the end of the fiber. The cone advances by a slow irregular 
flowing motion, spinning a fiber behind it. A slight temporary 
obstruction may cause a small thickening. A more formidable 
obstruction may lead to giant cones or to the formation of branches. 

Boeke (5, 30) has traced the regeneration of motor end plates. 
He found two stages : first, the outgrowing fiber puts out exuberant, 
bizarre end ramifications; in the second stage, these forms disap- 
pear and a normal form is restored. Boeke remarks: cfi And I 
can imagine no other process which affords such a striking example 
of the elements of the different tissues as subordinate parts of the 
whole, to reach a given end, the restoration of the equilibrium of 
the organism,, than this mode of regeneration of the motor nerve 
endings." . ' . . 

This whole phenomenon, of regeneration gives a clue to the 
more intricate processes of compensatory growth and of adjust- 
ment to handicaps whereby the organism "seeks" a maximum in 
the sphere of behavior. Nerve tissue itself has very limited capacity 
for regeneration, but the nervous system as a whole plays the 
dominating role in preserving the integrity of the organism in the 
face of such handicaps as malnutrition;, loss of sense organs, loss 
of motor capacity. The total reaction, system of the Individual 
tends to be ordered and- 'coherent- even though its resources and 
instrumentalities are imperfect. In many instances serious handi- 



MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 56 

caps seem to be much less disastrous than one might suppose. 
Even grave degrees of malnutrition, correlated with excessive 
subnormality of weight, are usually incompetent to inflict any 
drastic changes upon the forms of fundamental behavior patterns 
and upon the genetic order of their sequence. While it is granted 
that certain food deficiencies, for example, in the field of calcium 
metabolism, definitely influence the general picture of behavior, 
the nervous system itself is remarkably resistant to general ad- 
versity, even to partial starvation. When certain areas of the 
nervous system are actually damaged by disease or injury, matura- 
tion cannot make amends, but the maturation of the nervous 
system seems to proceed toward the optimum in the areas unim- 
paired, even though lacking the stimulus of exercise of the func- 
tions controlled by the impaired areas. It is for this reason that 
certain clinical types of profound motor disability attain none the 
less considerable approximation to normality in certain patterns of 
behavior. 

We have described elsewhere (81) the marked degree of pat- 
terned mental growth which may take place in a child suffering 
from severe birth injury. This child at the age of 5 years could 
not sit, stand, talk, or grasp, but had attained in several fields of 
behavior a significant approximation toward normality. 

If the sources of energy on which growth depends are not 
stopped, as they completely are in profound idiocy, then there 
remains a measure of specific and general potency. This potency 
expresses itself in the progressive maturation of modalities and 
dispositions of behavior, even when normal patterns of behavior 
can not be consummated. Herein lies the urgency, the almost 
irrepressible quality, of growth. Herein lies a life tendency which 
works toward adjustment, harmony, and completion even in 
the gravely handicapped child. Accordingly there is a maximum 
utilization of impaired instrumentalities and impaired impressions. 
This tendency toward optimum development, is in the individual 
comparable to the recognized, though poorly understood* /evolu- 
tionary trend of the racial stream of life. 

The organismal concept requires that the individual shall 
maintain an optimal or normal integrity. The phenomena of 
maturation suggest the presence of tenacious, stabilizing factors 
which safeguard the basic patterns of growth. Just as the respira- 
tion of the organism depends upon the maintenance of constant 
hydrogen ion concentration > so on a vastly more intricate scale, 



57 A BIBLIOGRAPHY 823 

the life career of the individual is maintained by the physiological 
processes of growth in which the maturational mechanisms play 
an important role. The role is most conspicuous in infancy but it 
persists throughout the life cycle until the growth potential com- 
pletely subsides. 

57. A BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1. ADAMS, D. K.: A restatement of the problem of learning, British Journal of Psychology 

(Gen. Sect.), vol. 28, pp. 150-178, 1931. 

2. AVERY, G. T. : Responses of foetal guinea pigs prematurely delivered, Genetic Psychology 

Monographs, vol. 3, pp. 245-331, 1928. 

3. BECKERHAUS, F,: t)ber einige Zwillinge, Zeitschrifi filr Augenkrarikhrit, vol. 59, pp. 

264-208, 1930. 

4. BIRD, C.: The effect of maturation upon the pecking instinct of chicks, Pedagogical 

Seminary, vol. 33, pp. 212-243, 1926. 

5. BOEKE, J. : The innervation of striped muscle-fibers and Langley's receptive substance, 

Brain, vol. 44, pp. 1-22, 1921. 

6. CARMICHAEL, L.: The development of behavior in vertebrates experimentally removed 

from the influence of external stimulation, Psychological Review, vol. 33, pp. 51-58, 
1926. 

7. CASTNER, B. M.: The development of fine prehension in infancy, Genetic Psychology 

Monographs, vol. 12, pp. 105-193, 1932. 

8. COGHILL, G. B,; Anatomy and the Problem of Behavior, Cambridge (England): The 

University Press, 1929, xii + 113 pp. 

9^ - , : The early development of behavior in Amblystoma and in man. Archives of 
Neurology and Psychiatry, vol. 21, pp. 989-1009, 1929. 

structural basis of the integration of behavior, Proceedings of the National 



Academy of Sciences, vol. 16, pp. 637-643, 1930. 

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324 MENTAL GROWTH AND MATURATION 57 

3. HALVERSON, H. M. : An experimental study of prehension in infants by means of 
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4. HENDERSON, L. J.: The Order of Nature, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 

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57 A BIBLIOGRAPHY 325 

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CHAPTER Six 

THE DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS OF INFANT 

BEHAVIOR 

MENTAL growth is subject to natural laws and therefore 
also subject to diagnosis. Although these laws are meagerly 
understood, the known facts of infant behavior afford an empirical 
basis for the construction of diagnostic procedures which may 
be safely used in a clinical manner. The possibilities of clinical 
diagnosis and prediction of early mental growth have been con- 
cretely discussed elsewhere.* The present volume aims to set forth 
normative data of development in such a way that the individual 
study and diagnosis of infant behavior status may be made more 
analytic and interpretive. Biometric simplifications and applica- 
tions of the data will be considered in the accompanying volume 
on Norms of Infant Development. We are now concerned with the 
broader aspects of the principles and scope of developmental 
diagnosis. 

58. PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS 

The concepts and principles which underlie the diagnosis of 
infant behavior development are outlined somewhat categorically 
in the following series of statements. 

A. The growth characteristics of the infant are primarily 
determined by hereditary and constitutional factors which undergo 
their basic organization in the uterine period. 

B. These factors do not operate independently of postnatal 
environmental influences, social and physical, but they determine 
the direction and scope of such influences. 

C. Maturational factors impart characteristic trend, tempo, 
and general configuration to the early behavior patterning of the 
individual. The resultant characteristieness is amenable to cumula- 
tive diagnosis. 

D. Every individual has a distinctive complex of growth; 
but the infant growth cycle displays fundamental sequences 
and progressions which are general in nature. 

* GESELL, A., Infancy and Human Growth, Chap, VII, The Tempo and Trend of Infant 
Development; Qhap. XVIII, The Clinical Prediction of Mental Growth; Chap. XIX, The 
Measurement of Mental Growth. 



58 PRINCIPLES OP DIAGNOSIS 327 

E. Mental growth is an orderly process of morphogenesis. The 
reaction system of the infant is a unitary structure which manifests 
itself in specific and correlated patterns of behavior. 

F. Comprehensively conceived, these patterns embrace the 
entire organism and include the vegetative, sensorimotor, and 
symbolic spheres of behavior. 

G. The patterns undergo progressive, ontogenetic cnanges of 
form and of correlation with age. These changes can be defined 
by objective and normative methods, particularly in the fields 
of posture, locomotion, prehension, manipulation, and adaptive, 
language, and social behavior. 

II. A developmental norm is a specification of a behavior 
pattern or of a behavior characteristic made to serve as a criterion 
or as a standard of comparison in the scrutiny of a behavior status. 

I. The primary use of the norm, is to identify and to charac- 
terize observed behavior forms. Because of the rapidity of behavior 
growth in infancy, norms are essential at frequent age intervals. 

J. A norm is a standardized tool for discriminative character- 
isation. Strictly speaking, a norm is not a unit of measurement* 
It represents a positional value rather than an absolute value in a 
calibrated scale of equal units. 

K. Growth is a morphogenetic process which produces changes 
of pattern and progressive degrees of maturity. Growth cannot 
be measured in the dynamic abstract. It can, however, be char- 
acterized. Growth can be examined analytically and synthetically 
in terms of its patterned products. Norms in a systematic series 
are aids to such examination. 

L, A norm is accordingly used as a critical device for discover- 
ing resemblances and differences/ This is comparison rather than 
true mensuration. But accurate comparison by means of a sys- 
tematic frame of reference approximates the precision of measure- 
ment. Moreover., the characterization of' behavior 'Status .can be 
condensed into- graphic and' quantitative designations. 

Measurement in, the physical sciences is a determination of a 
quantity in terms of an absolute unit. Measurement is matching 
against an absolute scale of units. The complex phenomena of 
behavior patterning yield only to a limited extent to measurement 
in this rigorous sense. Patterns must be appraised by a process 
of comparison. Observed patterns must be matched against norma- 
tive patterns. Patterns may be serially arranged in organic se- 



THE DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS 58 

quence and in genetic hierarchies, but as patterns they cannot 
be directly projected against an absolute scale. Indirectly, however, 
by graphic and mathematical devices the degrees, trends, and 
constellations of patterns can be given quantitative expression. 
The task of behavior biometry is not so much to carry the concepts 
of the physical sciences into the biological field as to formulate 
the dynamic and the genetic import of the observed phenomena. 
In the domain of mental growth, biometry is especially concerned 
with index values rather than absolute values in the classic sense. 

Even though such indices fail to satisfy the strictest canons 
of measurement, many growth phenomena may still remain within 
the pale of prediction. Inasmuch as all behavior growth occurs 
within a self-limited cycle, every product of growth has both a 
kinetic and a latent significance. Biometric studies can define and 
evaluate such significance for population groups and for age groups. 
Under comparable conditions, attained growth is an index of pros- 
pective growth; and theoretically it is possible to predict later 
growth in terms of relative probability values. Prediction is of an 
actuarial character if it deals only with group or population trends. 
Prediction becomes individual or clinical if it appraises the iridica- 
tiveness of growth products in a single complex of growth observed 
in one or more examinations. A series of examinations of one 
individual may be made to yield a numerous array of data which 
can be treated by biometric methods. 

The analytic application of multiple norms to an early sector of 
the growth career supplies a statistical basis for deriving a prog- 
nosis of the developmental and dynamic characteristics of the 
observed infant. Needless to say, such a refined biometry is not 
yet at our disposal, and experienced clinical judgment must deter- 
mine and qualify any predictions which may be ventured. It 
is important, however, to point out that biometric procedures will 
have an unlimited field of development and refinement with the 
accumulation of systematic behavior data. The very nature of 
growth creates a constant challenge to the application of scientific 
methods of prediction. 

With these general statements before us, we may consider more 
concretely the applicability of the normative data assembled in 
Chap. Ill of the present volume. These data have been presented 
in a wide range of ages and in elaborate detail. For the moment we 
are not concerned with short-cut psychometric devices which 
would attempt to characterize the developmental status in a 



58 PRINCIPLES OF DIAGNOSIS 329 

simple formula. For the intensive study of individual growth 
conditions and for the biogenetic study of growth careers, it is 
more important to recognize the great variety and complexity of 
developmental phenomena. 

The detailed normative criteria as outlined in the present 
volume and in the Atlas of Infant Behavior may be used for the 
analytic characterization of any given behavior picture. This is a 
process of comparison which demands some familiarity with in- 
fants through both direct and cinema observation. Since normative 
data are available at each lunar month, detailed inventories can 
be made at frequent intervals. As characterizational criteria, 
the norms may be used to ascertain and to formulate individual 
differences, even though the norms themselves were derived from 
a relatively homogeneous group. The normative import of the 
norms has been enhanced by cleaving to a narrow range of rela- 
tively homogeneous selection. The normative data in themselves 
do not furnish a picture of the individual variations in development 
which exist in an unselected population. We would hold, however, 
that the norms are serviceable for the study of such differences if 
we utilize the norms frankly as a medium for recording and 
analysis. 

In the present volume no attempt is made to codify the norms 
into a simplified "scale/' The data are presented in their complex 
detail which will permit both selective and comprehensive applica- 
tions for research purposes and for detailed biogenetic studies of 
individual infants. 

The behavior equipment of an infant cannot be adequately 
expressed in a single mathematical formula. It cannot be general- 
ized any more than a complex landscape can, be generalized by 
a simple formula. To be understood, such a landscape must be 
charted. Our developmental norms are serviceable for itemized 
identification of behavior characteristics and for analytic char- 
acterization,. Such characterization may be varied with respect to 
detail and emphasis. It may cover all the behavior fields discussed 
in Chap. Ill, namely: posture, locomotion, prehension, and 
perceptual, adaptive, language, and social behavior. 

On the basis of 'age norms, ratings of observed behavior may 
be expressed in terms of maturity levels; but a diagnosis should be 
formulated in a descriptive, interpretive paragraph. In their 
present form the norms are a system of graded items which may 
be used for orderly and condensed characterization of behavior 



330 THE DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS 59 

status. This normative method is not adapted to mass studies, but 
is suited for clinical and research studies of individual development. 

59. THE LIMITATIONS OF DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS 

The foregoing discussion has emphasized the scientific feasi- 
bility of developmental diagnosis. It is important now to call 
attention to the numerous complications which place limitations 
upon our present diagnostic techniques. In spite of its remarkable 
integrity and consistency, the growth complex is modified by 
many factors which it is difficult to recognize and to appraise. 
Let us enumerate some of them, with brief comment. 

First of all is gestation itself. This is shrouded with many 
obscurities. There is no reliable method for computing exactly 
the duration of the uterine period. We do not know how old an 
infant is when he is born! In clinical practice, the presence and 
the degree of prematurity are often in doubt. No satisfactory 
distinction can be made between immaturity (subnormal birth 
weight with full-term gestation) and prematurity (subnormal 
birth weight with curtailed gestation) . 

Birth weight and length of gestation may vary considerably 
in relation to such factors as age and size of the mother, race, 
season of conception, nutrition, and a host of other variables during 
pregnancy. 

Innumerable developmental deviations and anomalies have 
their inception either gerininally or epigenetically in the uterine 
epoch. In more or less abnormal cases infections, hemorrhage, and 
imbalances in symmetry regulation and organogenesis establish 
deviations or defect which project themselves permanently into 
the entire life cycle. 

To an extraordinary degree, biologically speaking, the infant 
is already a finished product when he is born. The foundatxonal 
events in the developmental drama occur on a microscopic or a 
chemical level and are beyond the reach of diagnostic perception. 
In the growth characteristics and the behavior patterning of the 
postnatal period, we deal with the remoter end results of uterine 
development, 

If we could adequately know and interpret the newborn infant, 
the task of subsequent diagnosis would be greatly simplified. 
But he is almost more of an enigma at birth than at any other 
time in his career. During the neonatal period, the gamut of 
individual variations subtends its widest angle. During this period 



59 LIMITATIONS OF DIAGNOSIS 331 

the curve of mortality reaches its highest peak. By the same token, 
morbidities and inequalities in nutrition, strength, and reactive- 
ness are disproportionately frequent. Neonatal infants vary 
enormously in postconceptional age, in maturity, and in their 
adjustment to the traumatic and the physiological complications 
of birth. Birth injuries ranging from a benign to a grave degree 
occur, but their nature is often concealed. Not even convulsions 
furnish a true clue to the gravity of lesions which will profoundly 
affect later development. The whole neonatal period is inextricably 
bound up with medical complications which place great limita- 
tions upon behavior diagnosis but which also confer greater 
significance upon the implications of such diagnosis. 

In a sense the infant is not fully born until after the neonatal 
period. But even then the factors which may modify or at least 
inflect the "natural" course of his behavior development are mani- 
fold. We know that of all the organs of his body the nervous 
system is peculiarly resistant to the adversities of disease and to 
hardship and deprivations in the environment. Nature has placed 
about him strong safeguards which insure the basic maturation 
of those behavior capacities which lead to maturity. 

None the less we must recognize that there are innumerable 
combinations of malnutrition, disease, age, and constitutional 
predisposition which may exert temporary or permanent effects 
upon the manifestations and the growth of behavior. The back- 
strokes of acute and of chronic illness on personality characteristics 
must always be considered. General and specific starvation, vitamin 
and mineral deficiencies, disturbances of the acid-base balance 
of the body due to metabolic and respiratory causes, acquired and 
inherited allergy, diseases of the blood, lymph nodes, and ductless 
glands these and many other medical complications may affect 
the infant both as a dynamic and as a developing organism. To 
this already impressive list of complicating factors must be added 
those of psychogenic origin habituations, inhibitions, emotional 
blockings, and socialized accentuations which affect the motiva- 
tions and attitudes of the infant under examination* In this 
lengthened list of variables must also be Included the immediate 
circumstances of the environment and the conditions of the diag- 
nostic test. In the discussion of the individual behavior situations, 
we have sufficiently emphasized the importance of those factors 
which determine the immediate stimulus patterns and the resultant 
patterns of behavior. 



THE DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS 60 

The mere recital of such a formidable array of complicating 
factors might raise doubts concerning the reliability of develop- 
mental diagnosis in infancy. But there is no adequate ground for 
diagnostic skepticism. In spite of a host of variables, the infant 
himself maintains a high degree of stability and characteristicness 
in his growth. His growth potentials are deeply intrenched. If it 
were not so, he would be too much at the mercy of all these 
variables and contingencies. Their effect upon him is lawfully 
limited by the basic integrity of his individuality. Complex as the 
problems of individuality are, the scope of developmental diagnosis 
and even of prediction remains large. Although it is impossible 
to assess precisely the importance of modifying factors, the 
improvement of diagnostic procedures will itself serve to define 
the degree of influence of such factors. 

60. THE MEDICAL ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENTAL DIAGNOSIS 

It is evident from the foregoing discussion that disease and 
development are inextricably related concepts. Malnutrition is 
frequently an expression of disease and, conversely, diseases are 
constantly reflected in deviations in development. Clinical anthro- 
pology and physical diagnosis supply many keys to this fundamental 
interrelation, but the diagnosis of behavior is probably the master 
key. Behavior is at once the most integrated and most inclusive 
expression of developmental and of dynamic status. At every stage 
of the organism it is the historic end product of the life career of 
that organism. For this reason the scientific study of infant be- 
havior from the standpoint of symptomatology becomes an 
important phase of preventive medicine in general and of clinical 
pediatrics in particular. 

In theory, and to a significant degree in practice, society has 
accepted the principle that every newborn infant is entitled to 
medical supervision. This supervision properly focuses upon 
the protection of nutrition. But the problem of nutrition is so funda- 
mental that by implication and often by actual exigency it includes 
the psychological and functional aspects of individual growth. The 
protection of the nutritional health of the child thus becomes 
the natural stage for a broader and equally continuous type of 
supervision which will take systematic account of behavior status 
and behavior growth, 

Development is a continuous process which can be supervised 
only by periodic examinations. Properly used, norms of behavior 
development will lead to an earlier detection of preventible handi- 



60 MEDICAL ASPECTS 333 

caps and to a more complete recognition of the Interrelations of 
mental and physical welfare. An extremely large proportion of the 
developmental defects and deviations of children are discoverable 
in the first year of life. Here, as elsewhere, early diagnosis leads to 
prevention or to the improvement of management and control. 
Many sensorimotor defects, endocrine deficiencies and disturbances, 
mental defects, and behavior disorders are unrecognized because 
the supervision of the infant does not take systematic account of 
the symptoms of mental growth. Mental growth, like physical 
growth, can be supervised only through the clinical application of 
norms and of diagnostic criteria. 

Periodic health examinations and a periodic survey of behavior 
patterns can be brought into association in a supervisory type of 
developmental pediatrics directed toward the more timely control 
of growth conditions. The demand for this type of pediatrics is 
becoming clearer, in the fields both of private practice and of 
public health. Systematic health supervision is only in its begin- 
ning, but in principle a revolutionary increase in medical and 
social control has already been achieved. How this supervisory 
service in infant hygiene will actually be organized no one can, of 
course, predict in detail. The methods of developmental pediatrics 
will naturally take shape slowly, but probably with the same steady 
and sound growth which has marked the advances of preventive 
pediatrics in the supervision of infant nutrition. In this whole 
field, which is now in a highly transitional stage of organization, 
pediatrics holds a peculiarly strategic position representing the 
integration, of the resources of general medicine in the health 
protection of normal as well as sick infants. 

In the next few decades research in the biological sciences will 
doubtless perfect new and discriminating techniques for the 
measurement and clinical appraisal of human characteristics, 
mental and physical. Such techniques will define with, greater 
precision individual differences and susceptibilities; physiologic 
efficiencies of separate organs; behavior traits and trends; and, 
above all, the balance or correlation of different functions in the 
total personality. 

In some systematic way these techniques, medical and biometric, 
are destined to be used for the better control of early human 
growth. How will they be applied? As separate and independent 
specialisations? Or will they be coordinated in a form of clinical 
medicine which will bring the total development of the infant 
under periodic supervision ? 



INDEX 



Adams, D. K., 317, 323 

Adaptive behavior, 279280 
(See dlfto Exploitation) 
Affective life, 311-315 
Age, chronological, 10, 331 

statutory, 10 
Amatruda, C. S., 103 
Amblystoma punctatum, 298, 302 
Analysis, of behavior pattern, SO 24 

experimental, of development, 296298 
Approach, prehensory, 44, 57, 103-105, 
113-115, 131, 147, 148, 176-179, 
192-194 
Arms, in prone situation, 65, 66 

in sitting situation, 79, 80 

in standing and walking situation, 91, 925 

in supine situation, 54-57 
Attention, 156, 188 . 
A very, G. T., 302, 323 



B 



Balance, 40, 75, 76, 83, 84, 96, 270 
Ball play, 236-239 

behavior trends, 237-239 

situation, 236 . , 

stimulus factors, 237 ; 

Banging, of bell, 195 

of cup, 149 

of spoon, 154 
Basis, structural, of behavior pattern, 298, 

299 

Beckerhaus, F M 303, 323 
Behavior, adaptive, 279-286 

characteristics, 307, 308 

developmental, diagnosis of, 326-333 

item, 12, 13, lfl> 20 

language, 286-291 .... 

modality of, 14 

morphology of, 134, *159 

pattern, 11 15 
analysis of, 20 24 
structural basis of, 298, 299 

patterning, role of maturation in, 292-328 



Behavior, perceptual, 279-286 
play, 263 
postural, 4448 
situations, 13, 14, 25-3S 
social, 286-291 
trends, ball play, 237-239 
bell, 192-197 

consecutive cubes, 127134 
cup, 146-149 
cup and cubes, 166170 
cup and spoon, 156165 
dangling ring, 100-106 
formboard, 228-235 
language, 249-257 
massed cubes, 136141 
mirror, 241-243 
paper and crayon, 211216 
pellet, 173-184 
pellet and bottle, 185-191 
performance box, 219-224 
prone, 63-69 
rattle, 109-119 
ring and string, 199-205 
ring, string, and bell, 207, 208 
sitting, 77-85 
spoon, 150154 
stair climbing, 7072 
standing and walking, 88-97 
" supine^ 5061 * 
table top,. 121, 122 
tower building, 143, 144 
Bell; 1,8, 191-197 

behavior trends, 192-197 

situation, 191 

stimulus factors, 191, 192 

(See also 'King, string, and bell) 
Bibliography, 24, 323-325 
Binet, A., S 
Biological stage, 10 
Bird, C., 309, 323 
Birth injury, 322 
Boekc, J., 321, 323 
Bok's law, 311 
Bottle (see Pellet and bottle) 
Browne, Sir Thomas, 213 



835 



336 



INDEX 



c 



Carmichael, L., 269, 309, 318, 323 
Castner, B. M., 24, 311, 323 
Categories, behavior, 11-15 
Cephalocaudad "law" of development, 48 
Characteristics, behavior, 307, 308 
Chart showing order of normative situa- 
tions, 41 

Cinema analysis, 22, 23, 316 
Cinema, record, of examinations, 6, 14, 16, 

17 

of rattle behavior, 118 
of supine behavior, 50 
Cinematography, 20-24 
Climbing (see Stair climbing) 
Coghiil, G. E., 12, 269, 270, 298-300, 302, 

309, 811, 323 
Combining, spontaneous, of cup and cubes, 

169-171 

of cup and spoon, 162, 165 
of pellet and bottle, 189 
of ring, string, and bell, 208 
Comment, supplementary, on cup and 

cubes, 170-172 
Comparison, of massed cubes, cup and 

spoon, cup and cubes, 170, 171 
Comprehension, 252, 253 
Concepts, of development and environment, 

293-295 

underlying genetic, 8-11 
Consecutive cubes, 122-135, 315 
behavior trends, 127-134 
situation, 122, 123 
stimulus factors, 123 
Considerations, general, of sitting behavior, 

73-77 

Constitution, physical, 301, 302 
Correspondence, developmental, in twins, 

303-307 

Cotwin control, 316, 317 
Crawling, in prone situation, 67 
Crayon (see Paper and crayon) 
Creeping, in prone situation, 67 
Crying, 37, 250 
Cubes, 4, 42, 315 

(See also Consecutive cubes, Cup and 

cubes, Massed cubes) 
Cup, 144-149 
behavior trends, 146-149 
situation, 144 
stimulus factors, 145, 146 



Cup and cubes, 165-172 

behavior trends, 166-170 

situation, 165 

stimulus factors, 165, 166 

supplementary comment, 170-172 
Cup and spoon, 154-165 

behavior trends, 156-165 

situation, 154, 155 

stimulus factors, 155, 156 
Cycle, growth, 295, 296 

life, 268, 269 

D 

Dangling ring, 18, 97-106 
behavior trends, 100-106 
situation, 97, 98 
stimulus factors, 98-100 
Data, 15-20 

Development, concepts of, 293-295 
definition of, 293 

experimental analysis of, 296-298 
Developmental correspondence in twins, 

303-307 

Developmental diagnosis (see Diagnosis) 
Developmental patterning in language 

behavior, 249-257 
Developmental pediatrics, 333 
Detwiler, S. R,, 321, 323 
Diagnosis, developmental, of infant be- 
havior, 326-333 
limitation of, 330-33$ 
medical aspects of, 332, 333- 
principles of, 326-330 
Dictation, 37 
Disease, 3S1 
Dogs, 307 
Basset hound, 308 
Saluki hound, 308 
Dome, 27, 28 

Domestic (see. Social and domestic be- 
havior) 
Dunlap, K., 32$ 



Economic status, of parents* 5 
Embryo, development of, 9 
Embryonic stage, &68 
Environment, concept of, &HS-295, $26' 
Equilibrium (see Balance) 
Examination chair, 7, 30, 7$, 7$, 70 
Examination crib, 7, SO 



INDEX 



337 



Examination materials, 6, 34, 35 
Examination procedure, order of, 40, 42 

safeguards, 43, 47 

Examination table, portable, 26, 39 
Experimental analysis of development, 

296-298 
Exploitation, 75-279 

bell, 194-196 

consecutive cubes, 130, 132-134 

cup, 148, 149 

cup and cubes, 169 

cup and spoon, 161 

dangling ring, 105, 106 

first quarter, 277, 278 

formboard, 228-230 

fourth quarter, 279 

massed cubes, 138-141 

mirror, 242, 243 

paper and crayon, 212-216 

pellet, 181-184 

pellet and bottle, 188-191 

performance box, 218 

prenatal and neonatal period, 275-277 

rattle, 116-119 

ring and string, 202-205 

ring, string, and bell, 207, 208 

round block, 231-235 

second quarter, 278 

spoon, 158, 154 

table top, 122 

third quarter, 278, 279 

F 

Facial expression, 60, 260, 287 
Fatigue, 89, 45, 65, 71, 87 

Pear, 314 

Feeding habits, 265 

Fetus (fetal), 81, &6S 

Formboard, 15 

behavior treads, 228-235 

situation, 224, 225 

stimulus factors, 225-228 
Frame, canvas, 39 . 
Function, IS . ' 

' sensorimotor, 308-311 

G 

Galtoa, Sir F., 202 

Gates, A, I., 815, 82$ . , 

Genes, 295, 200 . ' . . . ' 

Germinal stage, 268 ' . . 



Gesell, A., 16, 24, 27, 251, 269, 304, 305, 323, 
326 

Gestation, 9, 330 

Gilbreth, F. B., 21 

Goddard, H. H., 225 

Growth, 318, 326 
cycle and genes, 295, 296 
of infant behavior, 44-267 
and maturation regulation, 320-323 
of posture and locomotion, 269-275 
(See also Maturation) 

H 

Halverson, H. M., 24, 311, 324 
Hands, in supine situation, 54-57 

(See also Arms, Exploitation, Prehen- 
sion) 

Head, in prone situation, 63-65 
Zones 1, 2, 3, 4, 65 

in sitting situation, 77, 79 

in standing and walking situation, 89-91 

in supine situation, 52-54 
Headedness, long, 53, 102 

round, 52, 102 
Henderson, L. J., 29$, 324 
Heredity, 326 
Herrick, C. J., 324 
Hilgard, J. E., 315, 316, 324 
History interview, 16 
Holt, E. B., 311, 318, 324 
Home conditions, 6 
Humphrey, G., S17, 324 
Hunger contractions, 280 



Illustration, ball behavior, 40 weeks and 

56 weeks, 286 
bell behavior, 16 weeks and 52 weeks, 191 

cinema analysis, &$ 

consecutive cubes behavior, 20 weeks and 

52 weeks, 128 

cup behavior, 12 weeks and 28 weeks, 144 
cup and cubes behavior, 86 weeks and 48 

weeks, 165 , , . 
cup and spoon behavior, 30 weeks aad 

. ' 48 weeks, 155 . . . 

dangling ring 'behavior, '.8 weeks and 20 

weeks, 98 . ' ' ' ' ' 
developmental test materials, SO 
examination chair showing removable 

canvas covering, 29 ' . 
formboard behavior, 24 weeks and 40 
weeks, 24 : . . ' '. , . ' 



338 



INDEX 



Illustration, home examination table, 6 
location points of examination table, 32 
massed cubes behavior, 16 weeks and 

44 weeks, 135 
mirror behavior, 44 weeks and 52 weeks, 

240 

normative observation crib, with one- 
way-vision screen panels, 28 
with staircase and container bag for 

test materials, 29 
paper and crayon behavior, 36 weeks and 

56 weeks, 209 
pellet behavior, 36 weeks and 44 weeks, 

172 
pellet and bottle behavior, 44 weeks and 

48 weeks, 184 
performance box behavior, 40 weeks and 

48 weeks, 216 
photographic dome, 27 
prone behavior, 4 weeks and 52 weeks, 61 
rattle behavior, 12 weeks and 20 weeks, 

107 

ring and string behavior, 52 weeks, 198 
ring, string, and bell behavior, 44 weeks, 

205 
sitting behavior, 28 weeks and 36 weeks, 

73 
spoon behavior, 16 weeks and 24 weeks, 

150 
stair climbing behavior, 40 weeks and 

56 weeks, 69 
standing behavior, 4 weeks and 44 weeks, 

85 

supine behavior, 6 weeks and 24 weeks, 49 
table top and presentation of single cube, 

31 
table top behavior, 12 weeks and 16 

weeks, 119 

tower building behavior, 52 weeks, 141 
Immaturity, 71 
Independence, 262 

Index finger, 180, 181, 197, 220, 222, 810 
Intellectual life, 311-315 
Introductory note, language, 243, 244 
Crwin, O. C., 324 
[tard, J. M. G., 225 

[tard-Seguin-Norsworthy-Goddard form- 
board, 225 



Fennings, H. S., 324 
Fersild, A. T., 315, 324 



K 

Kappers* law, 311 
Kmesthesis, experience, 283 

receptors, 74 

stimulation, 75 
Kuhlman, F. H., 3 



Language behavior, 286-291 
development, 312-315 
in first quarter, 287, 288 
in fourth quarter, 290, 291 
in prenatal and neonatal period, 286, 

287 

in second quarter, 288, 289 
in third quarter, 289, 290 
developmental patterning, 249-257 
situation, 244, 245 
stimulus factors, 245-249 
Laughing, 246, 250 

Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial, 4 
Leaning forward in sitting situation, 82 
Learning, 96, 121, 140, 283, 294 

and maturation relationships, 317, 320 
Legs, in prone situation, 67-69 
crawling, 67 
creeping, 67 

quadrupedal position, 67-69 
in supine situation, 59-62 
rolling, 59 
sitting, 59, 61 
Ley, J., 306, 324 
Life, affective, 311-315 
cycle, 268, 269 
intellectual, 311-315 
Limitation of developmental diagnosis, 

330-332 

Locomotion, 45, 63, 67 
growth of, 269-275 

(See abo Crawling, Creeping, Posture) 

M 

Macfarlan, D., 304, 324 
McGinnis, J. M., 24, 811, 324 
Malnutrition, 321, 331 

Manipulation (see Exploitation) 
Marquis, D, G., 818, 324 
Massed cubes, 135-141 
behavior trends, 136-141 

situation, 135 . 

stimulus factors, 135, 130 . ; ' 



INDEX 



33!) 



Maturation, 48, 62, 144, 165, 188, 213, 
292-323, 307, 308, 319, 320, 326 

and growth regulation, 320-323 

and learning relationship, 317-320 

and training, 315-317 

(See also Growth) 
Maturity, developmental, 45 
Measurements, anthropometric, 16 
Medical aspects of developmental diag- 
nosis, 332, 333 
Mendel, G. J., 292 
Mental growth, 293-323 
Minkowski, M., 270, 302, 324 
Mirror, 239-243 

behavior trends, 241-243 

situation, 239-240 

stimulus factors, 240, 241 
Morgan, T. II., 296, 324 
Morphogenesis, 297, 327 
Mother, confidence of, 38 
Mouthing, of pellet, 182 



N 



Neonatal stage, 268 
perceptual and adaptive behavior, 279 

82 

posture and locomotion, 269-272 
prehension and manipulation, 275-277 
social and language behavior, 286-291 
variations, 330 

New Haven Dispensary, 3 

Normative characteristics of infant be- 
havior, 44-267 

Normative project, development of, 3-5 

Norms, 10, 11, 327, .328 

"Norms of Infant Development," 15, 326 

Norsworthy, N., 225 



Observation, procedures, 36-4$ 

One-way-vision screen, 28 

Ontogenetic patterning, 268-291 

Ontogenetic sequence, 302, 303 

Oral patterns, 247 

Organizing center of group' of cells, 297, '98 



Paper 'and crayon, 209-216 
behavior trends,. 211-216 
situation, 209' 
.stimulus' factors, 



Pattern, analysis, 20-24 

behavior, structural basis of, 298, 299 
Patterning, of behavior, role of maturation 
in, 292-323 

developmental, of language behavior, 
249-257 

ontogenetic, 268-291 
Patterns (See Behavior pattern) 
Pellet, 4, 172-184, 305, 310 

behavior trends, 173-184 

situation, 172 

stimulus factors, 172, 173 
Pellet and bottle, 19, 184-191, 318, 319 

behavior trends, 185-191 

situation, 184 

stimulus factors, 184, 185 
Perception, auditory, 252 

changes, 60 

kinesthetic, 74 

of space, 139, 143, 202, 221 

of table top, 120, 121 
Perceptual behavior, 279-286 

first quarter, 282-283 

fourth quarter, 285, 286 

ontogenesis of, 288 

prenatal and neonatal period, 279-282 

second quarter, 283-284 

third quarter, 284, 285 
Performance box, 216-224 

behavior trends, 219-224 

situation, 216, 217 

stimulus factors, 217-219 
Personality differences, 203, 248 
Physical constitution, $01, 302 
Piaget, J., $12, 824 
Pivoting, first quarter, 277, 278 

fourth quarter, 279 

prenatal and neonatal period, 275-277 

second quarter, 278 

sitting situation, 82, 8S 

stair climbing, 72 

third quarter, 278, 279 

toward ring, 204 
Poking, of bell, 196 

of rod, 222 
Postmaturity, 302 
Postural behavior, general, 44-48 
Posture, first quarter, 272, 273 

fourth quarter, 274, 275 . .. 

growth of, 269-275 ' 

prenatal and neonatal. period, 269-272 

second quarter, 273' 

third quarter, 273, 274. : - :' : .;. 



340 



INDEX 



Pratt, K. C., 269 
Prehension, 275-279 

age range, 103, 104 

bell, 194 

consecutive cubes, 13, 132 

cup and spoon, 159-161 

first quarter, 277, 278 

fourth quarter, 279 

mechanism of, 45 

pellet, 179-181 

pellet and bottle, 188-191 

prenatal and neonatal period, 275-277 

rattle, 112-116 

ring and string, 201, 202 

ring, string, and bell, 207 

second quarter, 278 

spoon, 152 

supine, corralling action, 56 
closing-in, 56, 57 

third quarter, 278, 279 
Prematurity, 280, 302 
Prenatal period, 268-272 

perceptual and adaptive behavior, 279- 
282 

posture and locomotion, 269-276 n 7 

prehension and manipulation, 275-277 

sleep, 281 y 

social and language behavior, 286, ,287 
Presentation, method of, 42 
Principles of developmental diagnosis, 

326-330 
Procedure, general observation, 36, 43 

order of, 40, 42 
Project, normative, development of, 3-5 

in outline, 5-8 
Projection desk, 22 
Prone, 61-69 

behavior trends, 63-69 

situation, 61, 62 

stimulus factors, 62, 63 
Proprioceptive activity, 280 
Protocols, 19 

Q 

Quadrupedal position, 67-69, 92 
R 

Ratings, maturity, 16 
Rattle, 106-119 

behavior trends, 109-119 

situation, 106, 107 

stimulus factors, 107-109 



Reactions, anticipatory, 252, 261 

to table top, 121, 122 
Receptivity, 33 
Record, behavior day at the clinic, 16 

behavior interview, 16 

cinema, 16 

descriptive, of home, 15, 16 

stenographic, of normative examination, 
16, 17, 37 

summary sheet, 17 
Reflex, Babinski, 271 

labyrinth, 74 

plantar, 271 

tonic-neck, 50, 107, 112, 270, 276 

"trot," 270 

"swimming," 270 
Regard, ball, 237 

bell, 192 

consecutive cubes, 127-131 
hand inspection, 128 

cup, 146, 147 

cup and cubes, 166-169 

cup and spoon, 156-159 

dangling ring, 100-103 

formboard, 228, 231 
round block, 231 

massed cubes, 136-138 

mirror, 240-242 

paper and crayon, 211-213 

pellet, 173, 175, 176 

pellet and bottle, 185-187 

rattle, 109, 111, 112 

ring and string, 199-201 

spoon, 150-152 

Regulation of growth, 320-323 
Relationship, maturation and learning, 

317-320 
Release, formboard, 30 

pellet, 189, 190 

rod, 223, 224 

spoon, 160 

Removal of block, &33~&35 
Responses to demonstration, boll ringing, 
196, 197, 5$ 

block insertion in formboard, $# 23/5 

cup and spoon rattle, 162, KttJ 

paper and crayon, scribble^ after demon- 
stration, 814-&IG, 47 
during demonstration, 818, SI H 

rod insertion in performance box, $&"SM&4 

tower building, 148, 144 
Richardson, H, M., &4 
Rickets, 46 



INDEX 



34-1 



Ring (see Dangling ring) 
Ring and string, 197-205 

behavior trends, 199-205 

situation, 197, 198 

stimulus factors, 198, 199 
Ring, string, and bell, 205-209 

behavior trends, 207, 208 

situation, 05 

stimulus factors, 205, 06 
" Equalization," 190 

S 

Sano, F., 804, 324 
Scissors grasp, 180 
Seguin formboard, 225 
Sensorimotor functions, 308-311 
Sequence 9 ontogenetic, 302, 303 
Shinn, M. W., 252 
Shirley, M., 302, 324 
Sitting, 72-85 

behavior trends, 77-85 

situation, 72, 73 

stimulus factors, 73, 77 
Situation, ball play, 230-239 

bell, 191-197 

(See also ring, string, and bell) 

bottle (tf<?0 pellet and bottle) 

consecutive cubes, 122-135 

cubes, consecutive (see consecutive cubes) 

cubes and cup (see cup and cubes) 

cubes, massed (see massed cubes) 

cup, 144-149 

eup and cubes, 165-172 

cup and, spoon, 154-165 

dangling ring, 97-106 

domestic (see social and domestic) 

formboarcl, 224-236 ' 

language, 243-257 . 

massed cubes, 135-141 

mirror, 239-243 ' 

paper and crayon, 209-216 

pellet, 172-184 

.pellet and bottle* 184-191 

performance box, 216-224 

postural, general, 44-49 . . 

prone, 01-09 . 

rattle, 106-119 " . ' '' 

ring (see dangling ring) . 

Ting and string, 197-205 

ring,, string, and bell, 205-209 

sitting,' 72-85 

social and domestic, 257-267 

.spoon, 149-15 A '. . . . -. 



Situation, stair climbing, 69-72 

standing and walking, 85-97 

string (see ring and string; ring, string, 
and bell) 

supine, 49-61 

table top, 40, 42, 119-122 

tower building, 141-144 

walking (see standing and walking) 
Situations, behavior, 13, 2532 
Skill, 310, 319, 320 
Sleep, prenatal, 281 
Social behavior, 286-291 

and domestic, 257-267 

(See also Language behavior) 
Social docility, 266 
Social play, 63 
Social reciprocity, 237, 241 
Socio-economic status of parents, 5 
Speidel, C. C., 321, 324 
Spoon, 149-154 

behavior trends, 150, 154 

situation, 149 5 150 

stimulus factors, 150 
Spoon and cup (see Cup and spoon) 
Stair climbing, 69-72, 315 

behavior trends, 70-72 

situation, 69 

stimulus factors, 69, 70 
Standing and walking, 8597 

behavior trends, 88-97 

situation, 85, 86 

stimulus factors, 86-88 

summary, 97 
Stimulus factors, ball play, 37 

bell, 191, 192 

consecutive cubes, 12S 

cup, 145, 146 

cup and cubes, 165, 166 

cup and spoon, 155, 156 

dangling ring, 98-100 

formboard, 225-22B 

language, 245-249 

massed cubes, 135, 136 

mirror, 240, 241 

paper and crayon, 209-211 

pellet, 172, 173 

pellet and bottle, 184, 185 

performance box, 217-219 

postural behavior, 47, 48 

prone, 62, 0$ 

rattle, 107-109 

ring and string, 198 190 

ring, string, and bell, 205, 206 



INDEX 



Stimulus factors, sitting, 73-77 

spoon, 150 

stair climbing, 69, 70 

standing and walking, 86-88 

supine, 49, 50 

table top, 120, 121 

tower building, 141, 142 
Stockard, C. R., 307, 325 
Strayer, L. C., 312, 317, 325 
String (see Ring and string; Ring, string, 

and, bell) 
Structural basis of behavior pattern, 298, 

299 
Summary, standing and walking behavior, 

97 
Supine, 49-61 

behavior trends, 50-61 

perceptual changes, 60 

preference, for left side, 53 
for right side, 53 

situation, 49 

spontaneous, 17, 18 

stimulus factors, 49 
Supplementary comment, cup and cubes, 

170-172 
Swenson, E. A., 302, 325 



Table of behavior items, ball play, 236 
bell, 193 
bell ringing, 248 
consecutive cubes, 125 

first cube, 126 

second cube, 126 

third cube, 127 
cup, 146 

cup and cubes, 167 
cup and spoon, 157 
cup-shoe-box, 249 
dangling ring, 101 
feeding habits, 259 
formboard, 229 
"give it to me," 248 
massed cubes, 137 
mirror, 241 

paper and crayon, 211 
pellet, 174 

pellet and bottle, 186 
performance box, 218 
personal behavior, 258 
play opportunities, 258 
prone, 64 



Table of behavior items, pulled to sitting, 77 

rattle, 110 

ring and string, 200 

ring, string, and bell, 206 

sitting, 78 

sitting in chair, 78 

sleeping periods in 24 hours, 259 

social, 258 

spoon, 151 

staircase, 70 

standing, 89 

supine, 51 

toilet habits, 259 

tower building, 141 

vocalization, 249 

waking hours during 24-hour period, 259 
Table top, 30-34, 119-122 

reactions to, 121, 122 

situation, 119, 120 

stimulus factor, 120, 121 
Temperamental differences, 62, 87 
Temperature changes, 280 
Thompson, H., 24, 304, 305 
Throwing of ball, 239 
Thumb opposition, 115, 116, 1,80, 205 
Tonic neck reflex, 50, 107, 112, 70, 276 
Tool utilization, of crayon, 210 

of cup, 159 

of ring and string, 202, 204 
Tower building, 141-144 

behavior trends, 143, 144 

situation, 141 

. stimulus factors, 141, 142 
Toy, 63 

Training and maturation* 315-317 
Transfer, of bell, 195 

of block, 231 

of dangling ring, 106 

of ring and string, 202 

of spoon, 154 

Trends (see Behavior trends) 
Trunk movements, prone, 66, 67 

rolling, 58 

sitting, 80-82 

stair climbing, 71, 72 

standing and walking, 92, -93 

supine, 58, -59 ' ' 
Twins, 315-318 

developmental correspondence in, SOS-. 
307 



U 



ITlnar digits, 181 



INDEX 343 



v w 

Values, stimulus, 32-36 Waking-sleeping periods, 264? 

Vineland formboard, 225 Walking (see Standing) 

Vocalizations, 61, 139 Wheeler, R. H., 315, 325 




o: 



124 144